The Development of SingaporeEssay Preview: The Development of SingaporeReport this essaySingapore has emerged as one of the most successfully developed nations in the world since establishing themselves as an independently governed Southeast Asian nation. The standard of living within the nation remains as one of the highest in the region and the world at large.
Singapore has continued to establish itself within the international community as an internationally viable economy worthy of both respect and recognition. This has a lot to do with the manner in which Singapore has very wisely chosen to design both their political and economic infrastructures. The geographic location of Singapore has also aided with the rapid rise in both development and standard of living within the city-state. A prime location for international trade within and around the Southeast Asian region, Singapore has taken the opportunities provided by such a location and maximized the benefits to the population and national economy.
A brief look at the history of Singapore reveals that the nation has consistently established itself as a center of trade and, perhaps more importantly, an entry point to the entire Southeast Asian region for vast amounts of trade and commerce. (Wong 1981, 434) After the colonization by the British and the ensuing Japanese occupation during World War II, is when the city began to truly make a name for itself as its own true entity. In the aftermath of its separation from the Malaysian conglomerate that became comprised a large portion of the peninsula, Singapore became its own independently governed entity. The steps which followed were the ones that put Singapore squarely on the track to the position it currently holds as one of the wealthiest and most successful nations on the continent.
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Many people argue that the Singaporean economy is largely dependent on its trading partners and other Asian nations. This can lead to trade deficits because Singapore is very dependent on its foreign trade partners. Some experts assert that the Singaporean economy benefits from not having one of the world’s lowest levels of foreign direct investment because there is no foreign influence in the economic production process and also because Singapore’s foreign trade tends to be higher relative to the overall population in Asia. A recent paper at the Hong Kong Business School and a paper at the Institute of Management and Management Studies of the Singapore Economic Club argue that it may reflect not only an economy of self-government but also an economy driven out of competition that puts Singapore in the wrong category of an economically developed country. This could lead to an imbalance, particularly if the government has a strong foreign direct investment strategy that places Singapore at an advantageous position relative to other foreign countries. Even if the Singapore economy is competitive, it will be a hard position for any government to follow. Singapore is now considered to be a member of a very poor and unequal global community – an attitude that has been particularly important to the rise of the Philippines in the past couple of decades. The nation’s richly-developed and developing economy is also a source of strength to a foreign investor. The government spends very little on defense but has also used social and human rights programs to promote economic inclusion and investment. Singapore has made great strides for economic diversification but for many years it has been viewed as a source for instability when foreign rivals, especially from overseas, come knocking on its doors – often for a cheap or little bit expensive upgrade through various Asian markets. This has created a kind of “sales-by-mail” relationship in which many companies buy Singapore products and services directly from the market, while others may simply get them for short term financial gains. However, Singapore’s reliance on foreign investment creates friction, especially for a country with a great number of relatively small population numbers. These small or nonexistent foreigners are often very active in social movements that are likely to produce friction. The government has invested a considerable amount into social housing developments which will only increase the economic value of Singapore’s poor. It has paid for many social care programs which will encourage the growth of the economy while at the same time providing social services not normally provided by the larger, poorer areas in the nation’s population. To sum up, Singapore’s economy is one of economic expansion, not merely a state or a large foreign investment, but a combination of all these factors, resulting in an economic miracle. That’s a pretty good argument for taking part in a country’s expansion of commerce and higher education by participating in all those endeavors. Singapore has a reputation among business leaders that it is truly a very low cost country which uses government agencies to promote itself to the highest possible standard of living. A key problem for these types of governments is the lack of transparency in the activities that local government officials perform.  For this reason, Singapore has a very hard time operating, especially in terms of being able to maintain a national reputation or even make the public into a lot of money.  For example, even if the government does make good
The Singaporean government started in the summer of 1969, building a new government after having been dissolved for failing to reform its own administration. The new government was established by the city council in the beginning of 1971, a majority of whom were in their 60s. The government of the latter era had been headed by a younger and more conservative Lee Hsien Loong, who had made use of his connections around the business community to get his family free of foreign controls in the city and make himself a respected representative of social and economic development. While Lee Hsien Loong became a Singaporean citizen and elected to a two-year term in 1971, he was never elected to office by the city council; instead, he was succeeded by another city official, who, upon re-election in December 1972, took the position of interim city mayor and was appointed to the new president. This interim council, known officially as the Singaporeans’ “Joint Administration of Government”, consisted of various city representatives and the city council itself, so that the administration did not actually include the city. The newly elected leader, Lee Joon Koo, made several moves to tighten controls on government, by the creation of a new government, one that would ensure strict control over the city’s spending priorities such as health services, education and the arts, which led to numerous budget cuts. The new government also instituted a “new administration,” to be called “The Singaporean Government and the Government of the People”; this “new governance” sought to make the City more open to the growing demands of modern society, to help ensure the “development” of its various institutions to ensure the “economic development” of the province. As noted earlier, the new government took on many of the responsibilities it had had under previous government since the dissolution of the Malaysian conglomerates of the late 1980s. It also initiated new policies toward development in the areas of transportation, housing, education and science, to be made applicable to the current population of the province. It established a new, modern “government bureau” (now the Singapore Public Development Bureau) in 1982, called “The Regional Affairs Bureau”; this bureau oversees the development of the city’s resources, but it also manages other central and local government departments, such as transportation.
The new government of the City of Singapore, began in 1972 as a largely ceremonial body that did not actually administer the city but instead served as a political instrument that was used to enforce the new administration’s powers. In a highly fragmented system, each city became independent, but the core authorities still ran the regional government, such as its local police department, the Singapore National Police, Singapore International Police Agency, Singapore Trade Fair Council, and the Municipal Public Works Commission and as it went along, one additional police officer was nominated to be the municipal chief (in 1965 it was Hu Jeong Hsien Ao Joo who was appointed to be Mayor). The Mayor and other executive officials continued to rule in the central and local communities. The citywide government of the City of Singapore received numerous amendments and additions during the three-year period leading up to its dissolution. (Wong 1978, 854)[Note: This is an outline of the general government
The Singaporean government started in the summer of 1969, building a new government after having been dissolved for failing to reform its own administration. The new government was established by the city council in the beginning of 1971, a majority of whom were in their 60s. The government of the latter era had been headed by a younger and more conservative Lee Hsien Loong, who had made use of his connections around the business community to get his family free of foreign controls in the city and make himself a respected representative of social and economic development. While Lee Hsien Loong became a Singaporean citizen and elected to a two-year term in 1971, he was never elected to office by the city council; instead, he was succeeded by another city official, who, upon re-election in December 1972, took the position of interim city mayor and was appointed to the new president. This interim council, known officially as the Singaporeans’ “Joint Administration of Government”, consisted of various city representatives and the city council itself, so that the administration did not actually include the city. The newly elected leader, Lee Joon Koo, made several moves to tighten controls on government, by the creation of a new government, one that would ensure strict control over the city’s spending priorities such as health services, education and the arts, which led to numerous budget cuts. The new government also instituted a “new administration,” to be called “The Singaporean Government and the Government of the People”; this “new governance” sought to make the City more open to the growing demands of modern society, to help ensure the “development” of its various institutions to ensure the “economic development” of the province. As noted earlier, the new government took on many of the responsibilities it had had under previous government since the dissolution of the Malaysian conglomerates of the late 1980s. It also initiated new policies toward development in the areas of transportation, housing, education and science, to be made applicable to the current population of the province. It established a new, modern “government bureau” (now the Singapore Public Development Bureau) in 1982, called “The Regional Affairs Bureau”; this bureau oversees the development of the city’s resources, but it also manages other central and local government departments, such as transportation.
The new government of the City of Singapore, began in 1972 as a largely ceremonial body that did not actually administer the city but instead served as a political instrument that was used to enforce the new administration’s powers. In a highly fragmented system, each city became independent, but the core authorities still ran the regional government, such as its local police department, the Singapore National Police, Singapore International Police Agency, Singapore Trade Fair Council, and the Municipal Public Works Commission and as it went along, one additional police officer was nominated to be the municipal chief (in 1965 it was Hu Jeong Hsien Ao Joo who was appointed to be Mayor). The Mayor and other executive officials continued to rule in the central and local communities. The citywide government of the City of Singapore received numerous amendments and additions during the three-year period leading up to its dissolution. (Wong 1978, 854)[Note: This is an outline of the general government
The Singaporean government started in the summer of 1969, building a new government after having been dissolved for failing to reform its own administration. The new government was established by the city council in the beginning of 1971, a majority of whom were in their 60s. The government of the latter era had been headed by a younger and more conservative Lee Hsien Loong, who had made use of his connections around the business community to get his family free of foreign controls in the city and make himself a respected representative of social and economic development. While Lee Hsien Loong became a Singaporean citizen and elected to a two-year term in 1971, he was never elected to office by the city council; instead, he was succeeded by another city official, who, upon re-election in December 1972, took the position of interim city mayor and was appointed to the new president. This interim council, known officially as the Singaporeans’ “Joint Administration of Government”, consisted of various city representatives and the city council itself, so that the administration did not actually include the city. The newly elected leader, Lee Joon Koo, made several moves to tighten controls on government, by the creation of a new government, one that would ensure strict control over the city’s spending priorities such as health services, education and the arts, which led to numerous budget cuts. The new government also instituted a “new administration,” to be called “The Singaporean Government and the Government of the People”; this “new governance” sought to make the City more open to the growing demands of modern society, to help ensure the “development” of its various institutions to ensure the “economic development” of the province. As noted earlier, the new government took on many of the responsibilities it had had under previous government since the dissolution of the Malaysian conglomerates of the late 1980s. It also initiated new policies toward development in the areas of transportation, housing, education and science, to be made applicable to the current population of the province. It established a new, modern “government bureau” (now the Singapore Public Development Bureau) in 1982, called “The Regional Affairs Bureau”; this bureau oversees the development of the city’s resources, but it also manages other central and local government departments, such as transportation.
The new government of the City of Singapore, began in 1972 as a largely ceremonial body that did not actually administer the city but instead served as a political instrument that was used to enforce the new administration’s powers. In a highly fragmented system, each city became independent, but the core authorities still ran the regional government, such as its local police department, the Singapore National Police, Singapore International Police Agency, Singapore Trade Fair Council, and the Municipal Public Works Commission and as it went along, one additional police officer was nominated to be the municipal chief (in 1965 it was Hu Jeong Hsien Ao Joo who was appointed to be Mayor). The Mayor and other executive officials continued to rule in the central and local communities. The citywide government of the City of Singapore received numerous amendments and additions during the three-year period leading up to its dissolution. (Wong 1978, 854)[Note: This is an outline of the general government
The governing authorities in Singapore at first attempted to establish an ISI (import-substitution industrialization) policy within the nation. ISI policies are structured in order to attempt to protect the industries within a given nation by attempting to give production industries within a nation a significant advantage over outside sources which had previously supplied the nation with a given product or service. While these policies common experience a short term boost to growth, as was seen all around the globe in the late 1960s, they eventually cause the economy and development of the nation to stagnate. The quality of workmanship decreases when there is no competition to keep producers honest and the possibility for intra-state corruption and favoritism for certain industries often causes a lack of broad-based development across the entire economy, focusing more on certain areas and allowing others to fall by the wayside. (Weaver, Kusterer, Rock 1997, 61-64) However, Singapore recognized the dangers with ISI policies and quickly remodeled their economic infrastructure to be more firmly based in the export industrialization of the nation, allowing large amounts of foreign investment capital and technology to fund the economy and create higher levels of employment and standards of living. The ability of the Singapore state to recognize that allowing foreign technology and capital to fuel the development of their own nation was crucial in their rapid development. (Wong 1981, 435)
As Barbara Leoper noted in her study of Singapore for the Library of Congress in 1989, the government of Singapore has proven to be a highly helpful aid to the development of the nation. Many times a lack of stability and proper direction within a newly independent nation leads to the same characteristics within the economy. However, the Singapore government immediately adopted the form of a unicameral parliamentary system, much like that followed by the United Kingdom and Canada. The Prime Minister is the head executive position, himself being selected from the members of parliament who are elected by the population of the nation. One thing that perhaps aided Singapore even further was the smallness of the geographic boundaries of the nation. This enabled a much quicker mobilization of this type of government, since it was almost like holding a city election. This form of government has proven to be effective in both protecting the liberty of its citizens and preserving justice and order within the nation. Firm policies involving capital punishment and heavy punishment for criminal offences have kept the levels of crime to a surprising low, further raising the standard of living within the nation. (Loeper 1989)
The actual culture of Singapore shares nearly all of its characteristics with other nations within and around the region, since it was so closely linked with the group of Malaysian provinces previous to its separation and ensuing independence. The one thing that sets Singapore apart from all its neighbors and gives it a huge advantage in economic and commercial enterprises is the level of education and literacy which spans the entire nation. The literacy rate in Singapore is upwards of 95%, making Singapore one of the most highly educated nations in the entire Asian continent, let alone the Southeast Asian region. This literacy rate enables the population to create much higher levels of employment than are found in less literate nations. The high rate of literacy allows for the sustaining of the type of market economy that Singapore has continued to follow for decades now. The inflow of modern foreign technology and jobs from companies outsourcing work to the region is further enabled by the compatibility of such jobs with the educated people of Singapore.
Lee Lai To noted in his examination of Singapore at the turn of the century that human development needs to continue to be forefront in the minds of those responsible for pointing the nation in the right direction for development.
“Plans to produce the skills, talents, and industries needed to compete in the global economy have to be mapped out. As the economy matures, the government and society will have to engage in issues related to political participation; nurturing social bonding and a sense of belonging in a borderless world; coping with an aging population; supporting