Essay Preview: Mr.Report this essayTragic events like the shootings at Columbine High School capture public attention and concern, but are not typical of youth violence. Most adolescent homicides are committed in inner cities and outside of school. They most frequently involve an interpersonal dispute and a single victim. On average, six or seven youths are murdered in this country each day. Most of these are inner-city minority youths. Such acts of violence are tragic and contribute to a climate of fear in schools and communities.
Research findings are identifying factors in the development of aggressive and antisocial behavior from early childhood to adolescence and into adulthood. Prospective longitudinal and intervention studies have identified major correlates for the initiation, escalation, continuation, and cessation of serious violent offending.
Many studies indicate that a single factor or a single defining situation does not cause child and adolescent antisocial behavior. Rather, multiple factors contribute to and shape antisocial behavior over the course of development. Some factors relate to characteristics within the child, but many others relate to factors within the social environment (e.g., family, peers, school, neighborhood, and community contexts) that enable, shape, and maintain aggression, antisocial behavior, and related behavior problems.
The research on risk for aggressive, antisocial and violent behavior includes multiple aspects and stages of life, beginning with interactions in the family. Such forces as weak bonding, ineffective parenting (poor monitoring, ineffective, excessively harsh, or inconsistent discipline, inadequate super-vision), exposure to violence in the home, and a climate that supports aggression and violence puts children at risk for being violent later in life. This is particularly so for youth with problem behavior, such as early conduct and attention problems, depression, anxiety disorders, lower cognitive and verbal abilities, etc. Outside of the home, one of the major factors contributing to youth violence is the impact of peers. In the early school years, a good deal of mild aggression and violence is related to peer rejection and competition for status and attention. More serious behavior problems and violence are associated with smaller numbers of youths who are failing academically and who band together, often with other youth rejected by prosocial peers. Successful early adjustment at home increases the likelihood that children will overcome such individual challenges and not become violent. However, exposure to violent or aggressive behavior within a family or peer group may influence a child in that direction.
Types and Severity of Antisocial BehaviorThe types and severity of antisocial behaviors exhibited by youths vary greatly and include lying, bullying, truancy, starting fights, vandalism, theft, assault, rape, and homicide. As a rule, the older the age of onset, the fewer the number of antisocial youths who will engage in seriously aggressive and violent behavior. Longitudinal studies show that many children who engage in antisocial behavior in childhood continue to do so at least through adolescence.
Longitudinal research has identified types of youth who progress to adolescent antisocial behavior, multiple pathways through which it develops and persists, and the multiple factors that shape this risk. This research has identified two types of life course trajectories: life course persistent, which is viewed as a form of psycho-
pathology, and adolescence limited, which is identified only in select social situations. The distinction between these two types of individuals is very useful, both as a way of thinking about developmental knowledge and as a tool for targeting the right interventions for antisocial youth.
Research in this area has generated evidence for this way of thinking about how adolescents grow and has investigated the relationship between adolescent problem behavior and cognitive deficits. Life course persistent individuals begin antisocial behavior early in childhood and continue into adulthood, after their adolescence limited counterparts stop. Life course persistent behavior has been correlated with neurological deficits and pathological behaviors, (e.g., impulsivity) which are exacerbated when they are combined with stressful home situations. In one study of 13 year olds, individual differences – such as deficits in sensory, perceptual, and cognitive abilities, including the use of languageC were shown to predict participation in crime five years later. For instance, boys with poorer verbal functioning initiated delinquent behavior at younger ages. It has also been demonstrated that boys with poorer neuropsychological functioning, especially verbal functioning at age 13, were more likely to have committed crimes at age 18 than were their counterparts with better neuropsychological functioning at age 13.
Gender DifferencesFrom about 4 years of age on, boys are more likely than girls to engage in both aggressive and nonaggressive antisocial behavior. Much remains to be learned about the causes of gender differences in antisocial behavior, but based on what is known, it is suspected that antisocial behavior might need to be defined somewhat differently for the two genders. In contrast to overt aggression, which inflicts harm through physical damage or the threat of such damage more common in boys, social aggression by girls harms through damage to peer relationships; study of this form of aggression may be crucial to understanding the aggressive development of girls. The NIMH is currently funding research on the antecedents and consequences of aggression for girls, as well as for boys, knowledge that can be used to develop empirically-based interventions for aggressive children of both sexes.
In 2002, it was established that, in the case of violent, domestic, or homosexual relationship, there was statistically significant evidence that male or female sexual attraction to a partner was associated with antisocial conduct as compared to normal heterosexual relationship performance. It was also found that, in the case of homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual relationship, there was statistically significant evidence that male or female sexual attraction to a partner was linked with other social factors and personality traits, such as academic success, family environment, religious affiliation, the social roles and values at the end of the relationship, and gender identity and body size.
It is currently possible to address the question of what role sexual orientation, gender identity, and body size play in the development of aggression in males and females. The purpose of the present study is to investigate and address these questions, since many studies have shown that boys and girls are highly similar in their behavioral and emotional development. The current study focused on one young, black boys from the South American Central American region of the United States, who were interviewed from the 1960 to the 1980s by researchers at the National Institute on Violence Against Women and in the 1980s by American Association of University Women. While boys were in high school and older adolescent, the same pattern also emerges among girls. Male or female sexual attraction to an attractive young female (either male or female) occurred in nearly all areas of educational, social, educational, and occupational structure during both semesters of the male-male dyad. During the early childhood periods, boys are more likely than girls to engage in antisocial behavior in spite of both the fact that their environment provides significant influence on their ability to do so. However, as the early development of aggression develops, both gender differences in antisocial behavior and the development of physical dominance and aggressiveness are likely to emerge. As a result, the results suggest that girls, on the other hand, tend to develop more defensive behavior in order to protect themselves against the aggressor. This result has implications for the role of masculine and feminine dominance in the development of antisocial behavior and its impact on the development of gender-variant aggression, for example in a series of studies (3,4,5-21,22,21,25) and in studies on boys as well (4,5,31-34,35,36,37). However, the present study sought to investigate one question as well: what role sexual orientation, gender identity, and body size play in this development of aggression. Results demonstrate that boys and girls are genetically similar in sexual behavior, and that these differences are most widely observed in environments that are particularly vulnerable to abuse and antisocial behavior, such as the residential home and social-welfare system (3,31-37). The present study showed that male and female heterosexual men, particularly younger boys, are associated with a significantly higher risk of antisocial behaviors in an environment similar to that of boys (3,25). The primary finding of the present study is that boys are more vulnerable to other factors that contribute to their risk for antisocial behavior. Specifically, when the boys were exposed to a group of abusive boys, social and verbal abuse (including abusive acts by brothers) was associated with antisocial behavior. Similarly, when the boys were exposed to aggressive or nonaggressive brothers, the risk of antisocial behavior was only associated with social dominance and antisocial behavior. However, when the boys were exposed to other risk factors, the risk was associated with social dominance (37). In this study, boys were more likely than girls to experience aggression in social situations. This finding is
Antisocial Behavior Co-Occurring with Child PsychopathologyThere is strong evidence for the co-occurrence of two or more syndromes or disorders among children with behavioral and emotional problems. Many people think that children either act out or turn their feelings inward, but the truth is more complex. The obviously angry adolescent has other conditions such as anxiety disorders and depression (as seen in the quiet withdrawn young person) more often than would occur by chance. Research in this area indicates that very young children with conduct problems and anxiety disorders or depression display more serious aggression than youths with only conduct problems. It is not entirely clear whether depression precipitates acting out, whether impairments and predispositions for acting out lead to depression, or whether there are underlying causal factors
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Many people think that children either act out or turn their feelings inward, but the truth is more complex.
2 In our investigation, we investigated the association between child psychopathologies and aggression in children who may be more susceptible to these two types of psychopathologies.
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The study was performed using an international standard. Our data were obtained from the following sample groups:
Adolescent/Child; the young, the middle aged (22–24 in this case) and their non-parent (28–36 in this case)
Individuals of the same age range or of age group (3–9 years old, 2–9 years old, and
Individuals in childhood or adolescents who are in their early teens, 10 years older, and
Individuals in the late 10th – early 21st centuries
Children with psychopathy are more likely to express these symptoms in their minds than those without such symptoms. Although both psychopathology and antisocial behavior overlap, there exists some overlap and this may affect the statistical results as well as the results of the previous studies. Despite the fact that some of the individualistic, sociocultural and other differences of a sample of children may not be significant between children and childhood groups, some of the differences may make it even more likely that there is a single individualistic, sociocultural, family-associated genetic characteristic for these characteristics of both types of children. Such as an increased need for parenting and behavior modification; the involvement of others in a parent-directed or other interpersonal relationship; family stressors and interpersonal closeness; children’s attitudes toward other children; their social and physical development, behaviors, and social skills; and the development of other children. Some of the differences may cause family isolation and/or a reluctance to develop a child-bearing mode (eg, children may need external care or support to learn the rudiments of parenting more slowly than adults, and so they may be reluctant to develop an externalized parenting style). This may be a problem for the study of children and children with psychopathology, antisocial behavior, and aggression.
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Other Methods of the Methods
6 For our assessment, we compared the rate of incidence of sociocultural, family-related and other psychopathy among the children. The rates of sociocultural and familial psychopathologies in the population were not significantly associated (i.e., the prevalence of an antisocial or family-related psychopath was not significantly different from that for non-parenting child disorders and family differences were not significant). The prevalence of antisocial personality among the children was also not significantly different from that reported by the children’s parents (i.e., the parents’ rate of antisocial behavior was not significantly different from that reported by the children’s parents; the parents’ rate of antisocial behavior was also unrelated to the sample size of this study). Thus, although the prevalence of some of these sociocultural tendencies has been known to be significant, the rates of family-related psychopathologies among adolescent and childhood children are not as high as in the population as a whole. This is, of course, a limitation of the current analysis, because many characteristics of an individual to which a child may be in an attachment are not known in the population and could not be classified as antisocial. The prevalence of family-related psychopath
Social Insecurities and Depression (SSD) and Antisocial Behavior: The Social Insecurities and Depression (SAMD) Theory and PreventionAn important hypothesis to the concept of SSD appears to be that because of its severity, this disorder can develop in a population of young people and may include, among them child psychopathology of the self. However, this hypothesis does not rely on strong correlations in longitudinal studies, and there is evidence for a low correlation between SAD and mental health outcomes among children, but rather strong effects over a wide period of time on social functioning and mental health. However, there is also evidence to suggest that the symptoms of SAD is not caused by any cause-and-effect relationship, only that it can be caused by other factors including age, history of childhood stress, mental health of the individual, and emotional stability. However, there is no strong connection between the factors mentioned above and the occurrence of this disorder. A well-established study is also to be undertaken in which people with psychiatric problems are compared to normal young people and with normal individuals. Children also are asked to describe how they feel about themselves or if they are capable of self-discipline. In a large survey of children aged 9-14 years, 11%-12% of children stated they believed that they felt better about themselves when they were younger. Even more interestingly, of those with depressive symptoms who said they felt better, 19-32% were satisfied with themselves or were happy they were improving. This indicates a strong tendency of children with borderline personality disorder to feel better about themselves when they are depressed and is further reinforced by evidence of a stronger tendency to express emotion as a result of these problems. This study would have to be carried out with individuals with depression to prove the validity of this theory.The evidence for psychopathology and its relationship to depression does not appear to be strong, which explains why there is an important difference seen between adolescents and adults. The higher the risk of mental illness during the childhood years, the higher the prevalence of SAD. Moreover, research indicates that the presence of antisocial personality traits (i.e., antisocialism and antisocialism-type disorders) is associated with lower risk of SAD, such as psychopathy. Moreover, the more serious the antisocial personality traits that adolescents have, the higher risks are associated with high risk of such disorders.
Family Structure and Children’s Mental HealthSociological Problems and Antisocial Behavior in Adults: The Relationship Between Family Structure and Antisocial BehaviorStress is a symptom of the developmental problems of the family. While it is often associated with difficulties in school-age children, it occurs more strongly in adults, and often is associated with a more extreme form of social stress.[4][5] In some studies, children with more difficulties in their educational attainment were more likely to have a depressed or anxious family.[6][7] Even among those with more difficulties in their school-age life, family structure was associated with more antisocial behaviour, depression, and personality disorders.[7] In addition, there is strong evidence that children with antisocial behaviour have a higher rate of antisocial tendencies, higher rates of antisocial traits, more social conflict, more antisocial personality disorder problems, more social isolation, and more antisocial conduct problems.[8] As we will see, high family structure is associated with higher antisocial behaviour. However, this pattern is not as well-understood in the general population
Social Insecurities and Depression (SSD) and Antisocial Behavior: The Social Insecurities and Depression (SAMD) Theory and PreventionAn important hypothesis to the concept of SSD appears to be that because of its severity, this disorder can develop in a population of young people and may include, among them child psychopathology of the self. However, this hypothesis does not rely on strong correlations in longitudinal studies, and there is evidence for a low correlation between SAD and mental health outcomes among children, but rather strong effects over a wide period of time on social functioning and mental health. However, there is also evidence to suggest that the symptoms of SAD is not caused by any cause-and-effect relationship, only that it can be caused by other factors including age, history of childhood stress, mental health of the individual, and emotional stability. However, there is no strong connection between the factors mentioned above and the occurrence of this disorder. A well-established study is also to be undertaken in which people with psychiatric problems are compared to normal young people and with normal individuals. Children also are asked to describe how they feel about themselves or if they are capable of self-discipline. In a large survey of children aged 9-14 years, 11%-12% of children stated they believed that they felt better about themselves when they were younger. Even more interestingly, of those with depressive symptoms who said they felt better, 19-32% were satisfied with themselves or were happy they were improving. This indicates a strong tendency of children with borderline personality disorder to feel better about themselves when they are depressed and is further reinforced by evidence of a stronger tendency to express emotion as a result of these problems. This study would have to be carried out with individuals with depression to prove the validity of this theory.The evidence for psychopathology and its relationship to depression does not appear to be strong, which explains why there is an important difference seen between adolescents and adults. The higher the risk of mental illness during the childhood years, the higher the prevalence of SAD. Moreover, research indicates that the presence of antisocial personality traits (i.e., antisocialism and antisocialism-type disorders) is associated with lower risk of SAD, such as psychopathy. Moreover, the more serious the antisocial personality traits that adolescents have, the higher risks are associated with high risk of such disorders.
Family Structure and Children’s Mental HealthSociological Problems and Antisocial Behavior in Adults: The Relationship Between Family Structure and Antisocial BehaviorStress is a symptom of the developmental problems of the family. While it is often associated with difficulties in school-age children, it occurs more strongly in adults, and often is associated with a more extreme form of social stress.[4][5] In some studies, children with more difficulties in their educational attainment were more likely to have a depressed or anxious family.[6][7] Even among those with more difficulties in their school-age life, family structure was associated with more antisocial behaviour, depression, and personality disorders.[7] In addition, there is strong evidence that children with antisocial behaviour have a higher rate of antisocial tendencies, higher rates of antisocial traits, more social conflict, more antisocial personality disorder problems, more social isolation, and more antisocial conduct problems.[8] As we will see, high family structure is associated with higher antisocial behaviour. However, this pattern is not as well-understood in the general population