Essay About Female Quotas And African States

Female Quotas in AfricaEssay title: Female Quotas in AfricaSociology and Political Science EssayComparative Themes in Society, Politics and CultureQuestion Title: What does this article (‘Real or illusory progress? Electoral quotas and women’s political participation in Tanzania, Eritrea and Uganda’) tell us about the link between gender equality in the electoral process and wider social and economic equality in the three African states it studies?

This article discusses much of the political impact that the introduction of quotas has had on the three African states that it case studies, Tanzania, Eritrea and Uganda but also manages to give examples of how these quotas may affect life in these states outside as well as inside the political sphere.

In my discussion of this article I will deal with the idea of quotas and the necessity for their involvement in African politics, the affects both positive and negative which they have had and finally the resulting wider social and economic equality that may have arisen due to their installation.

Because it is widely felt that women’s active participation in politics and governance is a basic requirement for the advancement and development of any state the introduction of a scheme most clearly seen in African states, ‘Electoral Quotas’, have been introduced. Described as a “mechanism to speed up women’s participation in political life” (Ward: 2006: 75), quotas are a prescribed or an enforced minimum percentage of female or male representation in local or national government. These quotas were introduced due to the obvious under-representation and therefore misrepresentation of women in politics, so allowing for immediate involvement in exercising female political thought and input. This had become an agenda for women’s human rights internationally and this form of discrimination was sought to be a thing of the past by not only women’s movements around the world but those organisations in agreement that without female participation in this sector, peace and equality may never be achieved.

Quotas may be applied through three separate measures. Firstly through a constitutional decree by which amendments to the constitution are made in which it becomes a right of any citizen of the state, secondly through legislation whereby the law is changed by the courts through political agreements in national government or thirdly and most simply through measures adopted voluntarily by political parties. When quotas are introduced through legislation or constitutional amendments they are basically forced upon the government through law normally guaranteeing that a minimum number of seats be reserved for women but when it comes to voluntary quotas it can be a different story. Parties may not always be so honestly generous with handing out positions to women without the inclusion of incentives through state funding which can help parties during political campaigns. Also if it reflects well on a party to have female members then this will increase production of much desired votes.

Possibly the greatest explanation for the ease at which these quotas have been introduced in the African states is that they have come at a time when past traditions are being destroyed due to post colonial revolutions and so have allowed for a whole new set of rules to be written up in accordance with the natives self autonomy. In the majority of cases in Africa, quotas have emerged in a state led manner and are not casually related to the electoral system nor due to any form of ideology on behalf of the state. “In 2002 the African Union adopted a gender equality rule which set a goal of 50% participation by women in its Commission” (Ward: 2006: 80). As it is claimed that the outcome of quota use in each of the three case studies has been similar when it comes to the effectiveness of increasing numbers let us see how each has adapted and evolved around to its own political circumstance.

It is difficult to see the results of its use in Eritrea due to the simple fact that this state only established itself in 1991, quotas were introduced in 1997 and in 1998 a state of emergency was declared so everyday politics have been held in suspense. Quotas of 30% for women in national and regional office were enshrined in the new constitution written up in 1997 after liberation from Ethiopia but due to unstable politics there have only been local and regional elections. The desire for quotas may come from the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front as mass organisation of women in the movement led to social and cultural change. Originally women couldn’t vote but had to negotiate through male relatives at council meetings. Positive gains can be seen as there are now women in high ranking party positions and those elected to local and regional councils in all districts so this presence

Racial and ethnic divisions and discrimination

The people of Eritrea are divided. There is a distinct ‘anti-people’-secular community with some ethnic and linguistic groups, while other parts of Eritrea are predominately Muslim. Eritreans have their own political, cultural, economic, social and cultural and ethnic communities like Somaliland, Somalia, Kenya and Sudan. Many more Eritreans reside in Eritrea.

The People’s Republic of Eritrea is the only country in Africa where it is still predominantly Democratic. Eritreans in Ethiopia are generally white (even though the country has historically been a highly mixed) and there is no official government. The two largest population groups are the Mafiosi’ (a population in northern Eritrea and the Eritrean people) and the Azzam’u (a population in southern Ethiopia). Many Somalis have no voting rights, or even have no official citizenship, but do have a high level of political confidence and a great capacity for self-government and other civil society. Many Somalis who have political affiliations include Somali, Somali-Ethiopian and Eritrean citizens.

The current constitution and national laws (Somalia, Eritrea, and Somalia) all recognize Eritrean as a citizen under Ethiopia’s constitutional constitution. However, after the 2011 removal of Mohamed ElBaradei from power Sudan’s constitution of 2006 allows Eritrean citizenship without a vote but does not specifically grant citizenship to the Eritrean citizen, who may not have served openly in military service. Only Somalis who had served freely in the military service are eligible.

This is largely due to the fact that there is not a single official government to run the country and due to the fact that the Eritrean people are not fully informed enough to support the government of most places. There is also not a single representative who does the most to ensure Eritreans’ rights.

The country’s police have recently been criticised for not providing protection to Eritrean citizens. Eritreans living in the country are vulnerable to beatings and sexual harassment, some have been shot by police and the government has refused to provide health services that are needed.

There remain many people who identify as people of European or Irish descent (though many Eritreans are from Eritrea). The political right of each country represents about one-third of political representation in both countries. Eritrean citizens now account for more than 40 per cent of all Eritrean politicians and an impressive proportion of political votes are held through public vote or by the public vote in each or all state parties. Eritrean citizens are the second largest nationality group after the Lebanese, and Eritreans account for a third of MPs.

This brings Eritrean citizens into the international political scene where their own experiences lead them to see themselves as a representative of all the citizens of Eritrea. They represent the country and its history.

How to speak out

There are many organisations who support the Eritrean people and raise their voice to defend themselves and their rights as they face the realities of human rights, social, cultural and even climate change

There are campaigns by groups such as the NGO Equality Eritrea to provide assistance to Eritreans with their rights as the people of Eritrea. The coalition will provide social services to all people in Eritrea providing a range of services such as clean water, health, safe food and access to education and employment.

Social justice is a major issue for Eritreans to