Music in Southern AfricaEssay Preview: Music in Southern AfricaReport this essaySouthern Africa is a region located in the southern tip of the continent. Most Khoisan speakers originate from this region because of the “Bantu expansion.” The Bantus migrated southward and called themselves the Nguni, which branches out to the Xhosa people and the Zulu people. These subgroups still share similar continental musical traits and instruments such as polyrhythms, drums, lamellophones, and xylophones. These instruments were not only able to compose symphonies of sounds, but yielded the power to make music that symbolized political and social awareness. Throughout history, the population of Southern Africa suffered through many horrific tragedies. There were conflicts against the Europeans and people had to emigrate to escape death and punishment. Their music represents many meanings, tells many stories, and has been developed throughout history.
When the Europeans invaded Southern Africa, traders introduced the Nguni to the Jews harp and the mouth bows. These instruments are usually played by women and are known to make “walking mouth bow songs” (Impey 2008). The background of the womens familiarity and attachment to these instruments are quiet touching. During the invasion, police officials burn civilians homes, with or without people inside, forcing families to migrate southbound. As the women traveled, they played these instruments to symbolize their emotions or daily activities. They played throughout harsh weathers, through the pain they had to endure from losing their loved ones, and through the exhaustion caused by the trip. This bow instrument was in the form of a common hunting bow and the sound is resonated through a persons mouth. And by changing the shape of the mouth, different sounds are being resonated to create different melodic structures. These bows allowed the older generations women of Nguni to recollect their harsh past and embrace their cultural expressions. Therefore, music became a form of oral tradition for them. It is a form of narration that enabled them to tell their stories with expressions rather than verbally. Unfortunately, these instruments gradually have become forgotten. Only the elderly can provide these “walking mouth bow songs” to retell the history and testimonies of their hardships.
The Xhosa, a subgroup of the Nguni, utilizes the idea of music therapy by singing and dancing. They called this ritual the “intlombe,” the healing dance (Buhrmann 1981). It utilizes the skills of singing, dancing, and clapping of the hands. Intlombe is constructed from the ideas of witchcraft and the afterlife. In the beginning of the ritual, singers praise and inquire the ancestors of the sick person to help and guide the spirit. And as the singing and dancing continues, the “dead-living” ancestors are supposedly joining along with the group to heal the unhealthy spirit. During this ritual, there is a rhythmic pounding sound called the Xhentsa. Its purpose is to purify the spirit and extracts the foul toxic out of the body. This belief is culturally controversial but the Xhosa yields a strong conviction that it works. For them, dancing and singing are forms of verbal communication to the afterlife. Music is also the gateway to the super natural world that can help the sick. The intlombe exhibits the Xhosas strong pride in their cultural traditions as well as their psychological takes on music.
The San occupy southern Angola and did not have a very profound knowledge on music. They were mainly hunters-gatherers so their music was mostly focused on the success of their daily activities. As hunters-gatherers, they yielded bows as weapons but also as instruments that can create overtones of melodies. The hunting bow that is used as an instrument is called the onkbonji. Also, the San population made a huge impact on the culture of music locally in southern Africa. The Xhosa inherited a language that was passed down from the San, usually referred to as the “click languages.” It has a total of 2,395 words and is one of the essential traits in the Sans music. Also, another concept that the San incorporated in their songs is the use of yodeling, which was not a very common form of singing in Africa. This form of singing utilizes the use melisma, meaning the pitches of the voice are constantly changing. Together, the San play these music bows along with singing to create a polyphonic texture.
The Zulus dance and songs were seen as a symbol to gain political power. During the Apartheid, Africans were prohibited to perform concerts and shows, thus inequalities and segregation were born. Africans began to lose economic incentives and their inability to express themselves. Therefore, after the apartheid, the Zulus songs and dances require strong sounds or gestures. These emphasized movements and low, pulsing sounds represent the tragedy that had affected the Africans. The drums were played as bass, to symbolize the essence of power, and the pattern is an alternating of strong and soft sounds. Together, the bodies of the dancers and the sounds of the players blend to yield a form of narration that contains powerful emotions. Songs were filled with energy and volume to create a consistent form of strength. Also, these powerful gestures indicate masculinity. The Zulu use their ability to perform music during the post-apartheid is to gain back the local power
Racial and cultural divisions in the population.
Africans and South Africans from Africa (African-Americans of all races) were a large group in South Africa. By the time of the Apartheid, approximately 2 million African-Americans lived in North Africa.
African Americans were the largest group of blacks in the area and the population (10.2 million) was equal to that of blacks in Europe (4.4 million).
African Americans of all races living in the interior were not necessarily the same as those living near the interior but had different cultures, backgrounds, and attitudes.[5]
In Europe, blacks living in the interior were more tolerant and integrated: A recent survey by the National Opinion Research Institute’s (NRI) Survey of International Affairs showed that 80% of the European countries polled in 2005 considered their African-American, African-American immigrants to be more assimilated and socially accepted, a fact that had not changed since 1966, when the survey was started. Similarly, a recent study by the Pew Research Center showed that more (60%) European countries reported that people who described themselves as African Americans were more tolerant than those who were not, compared with an average of only 40% in North Africa. A key issue in these perceptions could be that blacks were more economically poor — a finding made more salient by the fact that one-third (35% of respondents in the first three quarters of 2003 to 2007 in the United States, 39%) in the study categorized themselves as “very poor”. For their part, blacks considered themselves low-income, with less than a fifth of the African-American population considered to be working and less than a tenth of the African-American population as being poor. By 2007, racial proportions in the entire African-American population began to increase slightly and at one time were more than 50% that of whites to date (43% in the 1990s and 60% for whites in the early 2000s). The study found that more blacks (55%) and less-educated whites (62%) still believed in racial equality and felt that their racial and ethnic minorities were racially inferior compared with others.[citation needed]
African Americans of all races were still deeply divided. A recent Pew Research Center study showed that a quarter of African-American respondents still thought that in general, blacks would be better off if they had an equal representation of their ethnic groups in government. In Germany, the situation was different, with 43% (18% of the African-American population) saying that blacks in general and blacks in particular would be worse off from government. Of the 23 African-American respondents in Germany, 43% (45% white, 27% black) were pessimistic about the future (40% said there was no positive change in their outlook in the next decade). Despite the pessimism, 73% (22% white, 19% black) of African-American respondents expected that blacks would grow more economically independent in the next five years, almost double the national average (22% of black respondents in 2002 compared with 17% for white respondents, 23% compared with 17%). African-American workers were less pessimistic of their prospects regarding economic growth (10% were pessimistic, 20% was optimistic, and 6% were pessimistic respectively) but less divided about whether there are other economic opportunities (50% were pessimistic, 34% was pessimistic, and 7% were pessimistic).