Bloody Sunday 1905Essay Preview: Bloody Sunday 1905Report this essayIt was January 22nd 1905 and Father George Gapon led a march of migrant workers towards the winter palace in hopes to get a peaceful agreement across about the workers rights and how they could resolve the problem more fairly. They got to the gates only to find them guarded by the Russian Imperial Guard. TheyĂ²Ăââ˘re hopes were then shattered.
Prior to that Father George Gapon had Founded the Assembly of Russian Factory and Plant Workers which was an officially sanctioned and police-sponsored organization that was made to stop the rioting and unrest from all of the Revolutionary activities. At the end of December 1904 there was a strike at Putilov Plant. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city had raised the number of strikes to over 80,000. And by January 8th the city had no electricity and no newspapers, as well as all public areas declared closed. Then Father Gapon organized a peaceful Ă²Ăâ?workersĂ²Ăâ⢠processionĂ²Ăâ⢠to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg to deliver a petition to the Czar that Sunday
On that faithful Sunday all the striking workers and their families gathered at six points in the city. Then they proceeded to the Winter Palace, clutching religious icons and singing hymns. The protesters deliberately placed the women and children in the front of the march in hopes that that it would stop the troops from firing if they did decide to. The army pickets in front of the palace fired warning shots and then fired directly into the crowd. The protestors were shot and then the Imperial Guard came on horses and trampled most of the rest. The Death toll was uncertain but it was estimated at about 1,000 killed or wounded. Blood Sunday was an event that contributed to Czar Nicholas II to get overthrown and contribute in the beginning of the Russian Revolution.
In November 2011 the Russian parliament passed a law in that name which is still in effect today. It includes prohibitions on the wearing of black uniforms, uniforms of a white or black face mask and a white headscarf.
On the 30th of November 2011, Russia’s ambassador to the United States, Boris Karlov, stated that in Ukraine, one hundred and ninety days of the revolution, people were “at war with the government. The revolution took place, and now there is nothing to stop the forces that will try to seize power. There should be a national rally, at which the leaders of the country and the leaders of the national population, all over the people of [sic] Russia, should meet in Moscow to discuss the future of the [sic] state of Ukraine and the situation.”
This was before the new government started to try to overthrow the old government. The new government was very active, and wanted to take over the territory of Russia.
The next day, Novgorod’s president Vitaly Churkin posted this message in a message to the parliament: “It is a fact that the People’s Republic of Ukraine is under total subjugation, an enemy which demands surrender of its sovereignty and its capital in return for its support for the seizure of the Ukrainian state⌠A coup-proof regime must be built if Ukraine is to recover its sovereignty as it did under the Bolsheviks of 1921, for one man’s independence alone is worth more than 200 million roubles ($28-$34M). One man’s support of one man’s dictatorship over another is no different from a support of an independent country. He may well choose to continue with his support for a dictatorship. In his wordsâhe may even say itâthis is his only hope for a regime without an independent, popular, or unified governmentâŚ
In his message, Churkin warned that the government was under constant threat. The Ukrainian people must prepare for a revolution in Russia, he declared. And the country must build a massive military force, and its army, and its navy.
As promised, the next morning, the new government in Kiev announced that it would seize the Ukraine of the Bolshevik regime and that it would make the military preparations for a war that would require Russia’s military resources in order to deal with this situation.
The next morning, the Russian parliament called up Vitaly Churkin, deputy minister of Ukraine, to call on his Russian counterpart, Alexander Borodai, to hold a major meeting in Sochi to discuss the situation, to determine the nature of a new government, and to send proposals to Putin about a new plan for the military and political preparations for a revolution.
The next day, in Crimea, the Russian ambassador to the United States, Alexander Donskoi, posted to his Facebook page a photograph of people in Donetsk and Pskov joining the crowd