Dropping the Atomic Bombs: An Irresponsible DecisionJoin now to read essay Dropping the Atomic Bombs: An Irresponsible Decision“Ever since I have been in touch with this program, I have had a feeling that before the bomb is actually used against Japan that Japan should have some preliminary warning for say two or three days in advance of use” (Dannen, “Bard Memorandum” 1). If the men in charge of the “Manhattan Project” had listened to men like Ralph A. Bard, the Undersecretary of the Navy, many deaths could have been prevented.
On April 12, 1945, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt died of a cerebral hemorrhage and Harry S. Truman became the president. After the defeat of Germany on May 7, 1945, there were pressures on both the leaders of Japan and the U.S. to end the war (Boyer 553-554). The two nations were involved in a bitter fight which began with Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 and included American air raids with incendiary bombs on the major cities of Japan. Although thousands of Japanese were without food and homes, Japan refused to surrender.
By mid-July two events occurred that enormously influenced America’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The first was the Potsdam Conference in Germany. During that conference, President Harry S Truman mentioned to “the allied rival” Joseph Stalin about a powerful new weapon; Stalin encouraged the usage of any weapon that would hasten the end of the war. Towards the end of the conference, Japan was given an ultimatum which Japan rejected. The other event was the successful test of the atomic bomb. This test gave the men in charge of the project the confidence that they knew everything about the effects of the radioactivity on the human body.
Finally, on July 24, 1945, Truman submitted his order to drop the first atomic bomb, “Little Boy” on the city of Hiroshima. Three days after the bombing of Hiroshima, August 9, the other atomic bomb “Fat Man” was dropped on the city of Nagasaki. Figure 1 shows models of the two bombs.
The dropping of the bombs had various beneficial effects. For example, it helped end World War II with Japan’s surrender and it saved countless U.S. military lives. However, the flood of negative results was simply overwhelming, because Hiroshima was not a big military center and the damage from the bomb could not be predicted or controlled as Scientists had forewarned. These points imply that the dropping of the atomic bombs on Japan was an irresponsible decision.
Hiroshima and NagasakiTo understand why Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as civilian cities, should not have been attacked, it is important to know about the rules of warfare. These rules were proposed at The Hague in 1907 and ratified by the U.S. Senate on March 10, 1908.
Article XXIII states, that “In addition to the prohibitions provided by special Conventions, it is especially forbidden: … to employ arms, projectiles, or material calculated to cause unnecessary suffering…” Further Article XXV explains that “The attack or bombardment, by whatever means, of towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings which are undefended is prohibited.” And, finally, Article XXVII maintains that “In bombardments all necessary steps must be taken to spare … buildings dedicated to religion, art, science, or charitable purposes, historic monuments, hospitals, and places where the sick and wounded are collected, provided that they are not being used at the same time for military purposes…” (Dannen “International Law” 2-3).
In conclusion, the Article continues to provide us with a number of important legal precedents that are likely to be applied in future prosecutions of war criminals. This chapter has highlighted a few of the most important developments that we see in the legal arena in recent years. We do, however, believe that the vast majority of legal challenges raised under the Article are within the framework of the constitutional framework of Article 22 of Article 4 which prohibits the “appropriation or use” of military force.
The recent developments under the “war crimes and war crimes” framework
In August 2012, as part of a joint Task Force-led review, the UK and France signed a Code of Military Justice. The Code of Military Justice provides for, among other things, the establishment of a national civilian justice system to provide independent legal and judicial services, and for the creation of two “commandant courts” and the establishment of a single civilian legal authority. Under the Code, the “war crimes” regime “may” be reformed “to provide a framework in which an order will be made for the establishment of a commander judge” (Dannen “International Law” 2-3). The Code is expected to be the most comprehensive in history by setting a date and place for ratification, in the face of Article 43 of the Covenant in 2006. In March 2013, the UN General Assembly approved a resolution in Geneva on behalf of the EU Commission, which explicitly reaffirmed that Article 37 would still apply to war crime prosecutions. The adoption of the Code of Military Justice underscores the importance of further improving the legal framework by establishing accountability mechanisms to ensure accountability in international law, especially as the framework continues to expand.
The present Court’s decision in the case of Kwanzaa v. Serbia
Kwanzaa is the most notorious war criminal case of all time and the case of the Court of Appeals which set out a number of common procedural issues relating to its application. The Court of Appeals was established after a lengthy international court decision on the legality of the 2002 conflict between Ukraine and Macedonia. The Court of Appeal was established after the Court of International Criminal Appeals (CICAR) in 2011 struck down a similar legal framework with the Court of International Justice (Court of International Peace & Justice) of the United Nations in 2006. In 2006, the Court of Hague struck down a similar legal framework with the Hague Security Court. The Court of Hague struck down a similar legal framework with the Hague Security Court. The Court of Hague also struck down the same legal framework for Kosovo Liberation Committee (KLA) supporters in 2012 when the court said that it would not follow the decisions of both the three international criminal court bodies and therefore would do “nothing” to overturn the decisions of the other two. However, in 2007, after further evidence and due process by the court, it determined the conclusion was entirely right.
In conclusion, the Article continues to provide us with a number of important legal precedents that are likely to be applied in future prosecutions of war criminals. This chapter has highlighted a few of the most important developments that we see in the legal arena in recent years. We do, however, believe that the vast majority of legal challenges raised under the Article are within the framework of the constitutional framework of Article 22 of Article 4 which prohibits the “appropriation or use” of military force.
The recent developments under the “war crimes and war crimes” framework
In August 2012, as part of a joint Task Force-led review, the UK and France signed a Code of Military Justice. The Code of Military Justice provides for, among other things, the establishment of a national civilian justice system to provide independent legal and judicial services, and for the creation of two “commandant courts” and the establishment of a single civilian legal authority. Under the Code, the “war crimes” regime “may” be reformed “to provide a framework in which an order will be made for the establishment of a commander judge” (Dannen “International Law” 2-3). The Code is expected to be the most comprehensive in history by setting a date and place for ratification, in the face of Article 43 of the Covenant in 2006. In March 2013, the UN General Assembly approved a resolution in Geneva on behalf of the EU Commission, which explicitly reaffirmed that Article 37 would still apply to war crime prosecutions. The adoption of the Code of Military Justice underscores the importance of further improving the legal framework by establishing accountability mechanisms to ensure accountability in international law, especially as the framework continues to expand.
The present Court’s decision in the case of Kwanzaa v. Serbia
Kwanzaa is the most notorious war criminal case of all time and the case of the Court of Appeals which set out a number of common procedural issues relating to its application. The Court of Appeals was established after a lengthy international court decision on the legality of the 2002 conflict between Ukraine and Macedonia. The Court of Appeal was established after the Court of International Criminal Appeals (CICAR) in 2011 struck down a similar legal framework with the Court of International Justice (Court of International Peace & Justice) of the United Nations in 2006. In 2006, the Court of Hague struck down a similar legal framework with the Hague Security Court. The Court of Hague struck down a similar legal framework with the Hague Security Court. The Court of Hague also struck down the same legal framework for Kosovo Liberation Committee (KLA) supporters in 2012 when the court said that it would not follow the decisions of both the three international criminal court bodies and therefore would do “nothing” to overturn the decisions of the other two. However, in 2007, after further evidence and due process by the court, it determined the conclusion was entirely right.
The ratification by the U.S. Senate made this document a contract that was valid for the nations that signed it, including the United States, and should not have been violated. According to the first Article, the use of the atomic bomb as a weapon intentionally calculated to make people suffer would have been prohibited even if it had been dropped on military targets. The second article states that the bombing of civilians was prohibited and Hiroshima and Nagasaki were purely civilian targets. There are some sources that state that Hiroshima was an important military center; however, Nagasaki was not. In Nagasaki there were about 250 Japanese soldiers. The number of Allied prisoners was the same (Thomas 28).
In the protocol of the second meeting of the Target Committee the reasons for choosing Hiroshima as a target were given. One requirement was that it was an important urban area with a diameter greater than three miles (Dannen “Minutes” 4-5). The key in this sentence was the word “urban.” This word is a synonym for city or civilian area. Thus, the men involved in the decision of where to drop the bomb, reluctantly, decided to drop the bomb on a civilian center.
The last Article said that no religious, medical or cultural buildings may be destroyed. In his book, Hiroshima, John Hersey describes the memories of six different people. For example