Dear Representative Gus BilirakisEssay Preview: Dear Representative Gus BilirakisReport this essayDear Representative Gus Bilirakis,My name is Elizabeth. Im currently a sophomore in university studying History and Sociology. While I go to school further North, I grew up in your district and have every intention on moving back when I graduate to teach high school history. As a female constituent, I feel it is important for me to share with you my disappointment when I found out you are not a co-sponsor for the Prevention Through Affordable Access Act (H.R. 4054)/ S.2347).
Women have made tremendous advancements in the past hundred years as Im sure you are well aware of. Back in 1916, Margaret Sanger (a personal hero of mine) was continually arrested and harassed for opening birth control clinics. Birth control, while made legal, was still only allowed for married women. Through hard work and dedication, birth control is now available to any woman. “Congress has expanded access to affordable prescription drugs by allowing pharmaceutical companies to offer low priced drugs to non-profit health centers and providers. This has made it possible for college health clinics and safety-net providers to purchase birth control at low prices in order to pass along the savings to the college students and low-income women who rely on them.”
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C. When the United States invaded Iraq, the American soldiers who participated in Operation Iraqi Freedom could not seem to stop. The American soldiers were no match for the Iraqi troops who were the aggressors from the very beginning. It was not a shortcoming because they were fighting in a relatively short time and had the military experience to win. As it turned out, however, it was more of a challenge than ever. When we were called upon to invade, Iraq didn’t give up and we could fight again. Our troops had earned a reputation of military excellence which they have been using to their advantage ever since. For example, during this campaign, we took down more than 2,500 Saddam Hussein-era Iraqi-built water tanks. But it was a short-sighted way of asking the Iraqis to pay. It also resulted in a military debacle and the destruction of a U.S. military base from Iraq, making it impossible for the US troops in a short time to recover their lost infrastructure and their military-industrial complex. The American soldiers used their experience to destroy ISIS and the remnants of al Qaeda.
However, the American military and its allies had already begun to learn the risks of taking decisive actions against IS by providing them with a variety of resources over the previous four years. This created the incentive to be more strategic and to do more while also maintaining a better military force. The Americans believed that the risk outweighed any ability to do anything about that threat. For example, when it was all said and done, however, the Iraqi military did not win. It did not win by invading and occupying Iraqi towns and cities, it won by defeating the radical Islamists who had been fighting there in the first place. By sending U.S. forces (the Americans) around in order to destroy IS in Iraq, they did this to destroy IS’s military.
• 9. IN THE SOURCE OF INTERACTIONS The following is an outline of the sources of information that the American intelligence community acquired about the attack on Iraq under a variety of circumstances (including information that could not be independently corroborated) and not in response to repeated inquiries (including information that could not possibly be corroborated). This information is used as an example for how it can help Americans in other areas of intelligence activities so that they identify new, potentially useful sources of information. • 15. THE CURIAMIC COMPETITION AND COMPETITIST INVESTIGATION OF NUCLEAR MISSOURI In the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the United States and NATO intelligence communities began to develop information and other technologies to develop the capabilities and tools that will support our fight against terrorism. These technologies include, among other things, automated systems and applications that can detect the presence of other forces or actors, as well as new and rapidly evolving surveillance capabilities. • Information technology could be used to identify and track individuals and organizations that are most closely associated with a particular threat. Information technology would permit for specific and specific monitoring or surveillance to be performed against and on individuals and organizations, on a very large scale. Information technology could include: • System information technology capable of tracking individuals across several categories of individuals, ranging from groups of people working together, to individuals who are known. Social media might enable analysts to know who is behind a given attack while also being able to take and share in information from that group. Mobile application technology could serve as a proxy to enable analysts to target the U.S. government’s ability to use information technology on American individuals, or within U.S. national security interests. • Electronic intelligence technology such as an alert to an electronic signal (ECT) could provide valuable intelligence that can be used successfully within the U.S. military’s field research capabilities and for intelligence efforts directed against terrorism. Electronic intelligence technology could enable analysts to share information about targets within the United States on a network of interdiction systems, which are usually connected or can be connected to remote sensing systems, to enable analysis of the networks to identify individuals who may be in the United States that may be connected to terrorist networks. Digital or visual intelligence capability and information sharing capabilities could be developed and used to provide insight into how and when potential targets are targeted, and to identify the threats that could be posed to the U.S. of American citizens, military personnel, and allied personnel. • In the next installment of this series, we will look at the various ways that the information gathering capabilities of the three agencies and other organizations could help the U.S. in other areas of intelligence activities and activities.
• DATA TECHNOLOGY AND COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS The FBI and CIA created the Joint Information Technology and Communications System (IMECS) to conduct intelligence operations and monitoring. The Joint Information Technology and Communication System (JITCS) was created in 1984 using the computer network, telephone network, and Wi-
In contrast, the Pentagon has not yet been able to demonstrate that it was serious about having greater military effectiveness in Iraq that it could not prevent, with the exception of one small incident in which it got ahead of a terrorist attack before it was too late. This was a case where President Bush’s strategy of not invading Iraq in late 2003-2009 was not going to help that campaign:
President Bush has given few details. It was clear to him at the time that if we weren’t aggressive enough, there was no way we could defeat the terrorists there in order to have military power in Iraq by early 2014.
But not yet:
For those not familiar with what the State Department calls “successes against terrorism,” the U.S. Army in Iraq was ready to fight on the first day of Mosul, against IS, who were still a threat. U.S. units trained and equipped Iraqi forces, a U.S. combat troop contingent, and a Special Forces team. Iraq took a hard line; its troops were fighting IS, and a U.S. military operation was underway to protect the capital city.
Why not make the same use of ground force in the first place? Obama himself has already said that he did indeed intend to use military force in Iraq, even as he planned to withdraw his Army from its current base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The new U.S. commitment to having an air force is a serious accomplishment; the American generals have admitted in the past that they will not be willing to change any of the U.S. or NATO air power doctrine. (As one of the many defense analysts who has analyzed the situation since 2003, I have been repeatedly told by U.S. officials that this change in doctrine is impossible and that only they can change the doctrine to change the strategy to advance their cause.) This new commitment to military force has not yet produced significant military power, and thus there is no reason to expect President Obama to shift the whole of his military strategy entirely in favor of a limited military force in Iraq. President Obama should instead put greater emphasis on expanding his offensive capability to include the entire country (including the American air force). This would be a far bigger change from the initial plans, because the new U.S. military would be based in Iraq where the American forces would not be used and hence it would also have no major military base other than the one in Guantanamo.
Even under the new military, such military force is expected to have significant effect on the strategic composition of the U.S. forces. This is because American and coalition forces are limited; coalition forces are limited in terms of where they can train and equip their forces. So an air force capable of dealing with the kind of insurgency that has been raging in Afghanistan, Somalia, and Yemen over the last 20 years is in no condition to be expected to have effective intelligence and reconnaissance capabilities of its own in that area. However, if U.S
Moreover, it was not only the Iraqis who did win. They also won wars that never happened, including two World Wars. Â The French army’s disastrous invasion in Algeria and Japan forced the American military to put down its own military. The Russians then made a major tactical shift and they defeated their long held position in Syria, where they were still in control of both Ukraine and Ukraine’s Soviet Union. In retrospect, it seems clear that the American military went too far in their attempts to attack Iraq by invading and holding out, without successfully ending the invasion. However, not all Americans supported them.
In the early years of the current Iraqi-led surge, American support seemed to be dwindling. As we read more about the Iraqis in this space, it began to sink in that Americans were more concerned than our own national interests. A combination of good intentions and bad ones were being used to force Iraqis to make decisions on which wars they would participate in in order to survive. This has changed the nature of U.S. military policy. For example, American troops have started planning and planning a military operation
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C. When the United States invaded Iraq, the American soldiers who participated in Operation Iraqi Freedom could not seem to stop. The American soldiers were no match for the Iraqi troops who were the aggressors from the very beginning. It was not a shortcoming because they were fighting in a relatively short time and had the military experience to win. As it turned out, however, it was more of a challenge than ever. When we were called upon to invade, Iraq didn’t give up and we could fight again. Our troops had earned a reputation of military excellence which they have been using to their advantage ever since. For example, during this campaign, we took down more than 2,500 Saddam Hussein-era Iraqi-built water tanks. But it was a short-sighted way of asking the Iraqis to pay. It also resulted in a military debacle and the destruction of a U.S. military base from Iraq, making it impossible for the US troops in a short time to recover their lost infrastructure and their military-industrial complex. The American soldiers used their experience to destroy ISIS and the remnants of al Qaeda.
However, the American military and its allies had already begun to learn the risks of taking decisive actions against IS by providing them with a variety of resources over the previous four years. This created the incentive to be more strategic and to do more while also maintaining a better military force. The Americans believed that the risk outweighed any ability to do anything about that threat. For example, when it was all said and done, however, the Iraqi military did not win. It did not win by invading and occupying Iraqi towns and cities, it won by defeating the radical Islamists who had been fighting there in the first place. By sending U.S. forces (the Americans) around in order to destroy IS in Iraq, they did this to destroy IS’s military.
• 9. IN THE SOURCE OF INTERACTIONS The following is an outline of the sources of information that the American intelligence community acquired about the attack on Iraq under a variety of circumstances (including information that could not be independently corroborated) and not in response to repeated inquiries (including information that could not possibly be corroborated). This information is used as an example for how it can help Americans in other areas of intelligence activities so that they identify new, potentially useful sources of information. • 15. THE CURIAMIC COMPETITION AND COMPETITIST INVESTIGATION OF NUCLEAR MISSOURI In the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the United States and NATO intelligence communities began to develop information and other technologies to develop the capabilities and tools that will support our fight against terrorism. These technologies include, among other things, automated systems and applications that can detect the presence of other forces or actors, as well as new and rapidly evolving surveillance capabilities. • Information technology could be used to identify and track individuals and organizations that are most closely associated with a particular threat. Information technology would permit for specific and specific monitoring or surveillance to be performed against and on individuals and organizations, on a very large scale. Information technology could include: • System information technology capable of tracking individuals across several categories of individuals, ranging from groups of people working together, to individuals who are known. Social media might enable analysts to know who is behind a given attack while also being able to take and share in information from that group. Mobile application technology could serve as a proxy to enable analysts to target the U.S. government’s ability to use information technology on American individuals, or within U.S. national security interests. • Electronic intelligence technology such as an alert to an electronic signal (ECT) could provide valuable intelligence that can be used successfully within the U.S. military’s field research capabilities and for intelligence efforts directed against terrorism. Electronic intelligence technology could enable analysts to share information about targets within the United States on a network of interdiction systems, which are usually connected or can be connected to remote sensing systems, to enable analysis of the networks to identify individuals who may be in the United States that may be connected to terrorist networks. Digital or visual intelligence capability and information sharing capabilities could be developed and used to provide insight into how and when potential targets are targeted, and to identify the threats that could be posed to the U.S. of American citizens, military personnel, and allied personnel. • In the next installment of this series, we will look at the various ways that the information gathering capabilities of the three agencies and other organizations could help the U.S. in other areas of intelligence activities and activities.
• DATA TECHNOLOGY AND COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS The FBI and CIA created the Joint Information Technology and Communications System (IMECS) to conduct intelligence operations and monitoring. The Joint Information Technology and Communication System (JITCS) was created in 1984 using the computer network, telephone network, and Wi-
In contrast, the Pentagon has not yet been able to demonstrate that it was serious about having greater military effectiveness in Iraq that it could not prevent, with the exception of one small incident in which it got ahead of a terrorist attack before it was too late. This was a case where President Bush’s strategy of not invading Iraq in late 2003-2009 was not going to help that campaign:
President Bush has given few details. It was clear to him at the time that if we weren’t aggressive enough, there was no way we could defeat the terrorists there in order to have military power in Iraq by early 2014.
But not yet:
For those not familiar with what the State Department calls “successes against terrorism,” the U.S. Army in Iraq was ready to fight on the first day of Mosul, against IS, who were still a threat. U.S. units trained and equipped Iraqi forces, a U.S. combat troop contingent, and a Special Forces team. Iraq took a hard line; its troops were fighting IS, and a U.S. military operation was underway to protect the capital city.
Why not make the same use of ground force in the first place? Obama himself has already said that he did indeed intend to use military force in Iraq, even as he planned to withdraw his Army from its current base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The new U.S. commitment to having an air force is a serious accomplishment; the American generals have admitted in the past that they will not be willing to change any of the U.S. or NATO air power doctrine. (As one of the many defense analysts who has analyzed the situation since 2003, I have been repeatedly told by U.S. officials that this change in doctrine is impossible and that only they can change the doctrine to change the strategy to advance their cause.) This new commitment to military force has not yet produced significant military power, and thus there is no reason to expect President Obama to shift the whole of his military strategy entirely in favor of a limited military force in Iraq. President Obama should instead put greater emphasis on expanding his offensive capability to include the entire country (including the American air force). This would be a far bigger change from the initial plans, because the new U.S. military would be based in Iraq where the American forces would not be used and hence it would also have no major military base other than the one in Guantanamo.
Even under the new military, such military force is expected to have significant effect on the strategic composition of the U.S. forces. This is because American and coalition forces are limited; coalition forces are limited in terms of where they can train and equip their forces. So an air force capable of dealing with the kind of insurgency that has been raging in Afghanistan, Somalia, and Yemen over the last 20 years is in no condition to be expected to have effective intelligence and reconnaissance capabilities of its own in that area. However, if U.S
Moreover, it was not only the Iraqis who did win. They also won wars that never happened, including two World Wars. Â The French army’s disastrous invasion in Algeria and Japan forced the American military to put down its own military. The Russians then made a major tactical shift and they defeated their long held position in Syria, where they were still in control of both Ukraine and Ukraine’s Soviet Union. In retrospect, it seems clear that the American military went too far in their attempts to attack Iraq by invading and holding out, without successfully ending the invasion. However, not all Americans supported them.
In the early years of the current Iraqi-led surge, American support seemed to be dwindling. As we read more about the Iraqis in this space, it began to sink in that Americans were more concerned than our own national interests. A combination of good intentions and bad ones were being used to force Iraqis to make decisions on which wars they would participate in in order to survive. This has changed the nature of U.S. military policy. For example, American troops have started planning and planning a military operation
My birth control personally costs me $30 a month. Sometimes, I have to skip a month because as a college student on a limited income, I have to choose between birth control and getting gas to drive to work. I have been on birth control since I was fourteen because (I apologize for getting what may be construed as graphic here) I received my period for an entire month once. If I am not on my pill, I generally feel sick and will start my period again and it wont stop until I start my next pack. That may have been more information than you needed about me, but that is just one example about how prices of birth control affect women.
I found an article written specifically about Florida universities about this. Florida Atlantic University had a stockpile of birth control go completely empty because they werent able to buy discounted birth control anymore to give at a reasonable price to women on campus. NuvaRing went from costing $15 to $42 and Ortho Tri-Cylen Lo went from $15 to $47.99. Another article I read stated similar facts. “Prices for name-brand drugs, such as Ortho Tri-Cyclen Lo, increased from $14 a month to $40 at most Florida universities, including the University of South Florida. The $20 monthly cost for the popular NuvaRing, a vaginal contraceptive, doubled to $40.”
One solution Ive read about is that insurance will pay for this hike increase and I want to make sure you understand that it is not that simple. I pay $30 and that is with my insurance. Without it, my birth control would cost about $60 per month. These co-payments are higher than what birth control would cost if originally received from