China Revolution Of 1911Essay Preview: China Revolution Of 1911Report this essayThe Road to CommunismThe revolution of 1911, lead by Sun Yatsen, which resulted from a need for salvage from the destructive rule of Prince Chun, the father of the infant Emperor, Pu-Yi, was a very important event in the historical development of twentieth century China. It led to the abdication of the Qing Emperor, and placement of Yuan Shikai as the President of the Republic. The revolution, which sparked from a revolt at Wuchang in 1911, tipped off the majority of the provinces to proclaim their independence from the Qing Regime. Although the new Chinese Republic was initially able to avoid a disastrous civil war, peasant uprisings, and foreign intervention it lacked a sufficient replacement to the former imperial autocracy. Yuans attempts to create an autocratic regime reminiscent of the past and the lack of a central government were impeding the growth of post-revolution China.
There were many factors that contributed to the success of the revolution.
1. Many of the leaders in Guangdong province were able to take steps to reestablish their rule. Among them, Wang Xiong , the son of the founder of the Qing province, was able to raise a generation of peasants who were willing to fight for their rights. However, it wasn’t until Guangdong province that a military revolution began to take place. For the first time in the history of the “Guoyang National Liberation Army,” a military victory over the Qing offensive had the power to usher in a new era. But with the defeat of the Qing in the Battle of Shunghu in 1911, a military victory at Shunghu by the Qin Shi Huang family and their victory in an initial campaign in Hong Kong in 1912 could be considered an ideal opportunity to bring about a more stable China. As a result, in early 1916, the government in Beijing began to have a stable military system. The reforms of the late-Victorian government were not complete but the reforms continued, including the elimination of the Chinese flag and wearing of the ‘Shanghai Flag’ (the official state flag on the Imperial Flag).
2. China regained a new and successful ruling dynasty called the People’s Republic of China that had been abandoned by their father Fu and was recognized as China’s supreme being on its territory. The revolution ended the Qing dynasty and replaced it with the People’s Power of China , a state party that would eventually ascend to power. This change was followed by an unprecedented consolidation of power that lasted from 1913-1921. The Qing dynasty had had a great deal to do with reregulating the entire economy and creating better living conditions for men, women, and children. The People’s Revolutionary Party (PRC) began building a large, complex political and economic apparatus that began to develop a strong grassroots movement across the country.
3. In the early 1930s the People’s Republic of China experienced the first mass movement against the Qing dynasty. The People’s Revolutionary Party (PRC) became a force that could be relied upon to make the transition from a divided state into an official power-sharing and rule governing body. It gained the support of the large masses of workers and peasants across the country. It consolidated power by building the country’s national debt through its government, and at the same time also developed an extensive military and civil reform program.
4. During the late twentieth century, all three great revolutions swept through China. These three revolutions would play their part in the development of an autocratic government and a democratic political system. The first were the revolutions of 1912, 1917, and 1924, which established a new state of affairs. The Revolution of 1922 marked a return to the former imperial system. During this time the Qing Dynasty was under immense pressure, especially in the military realm. During the second attempt at a general election in 1923, the People’s Republic of China was elected by the people without any parliament, allowing the people to pick two new leaders. After those two failed to secure a majority, one of the former emperors, Yuan Liu, gained the presidency of the People’s Republic of China, and this led to mass protests in Shanghai and Hong Kong in 1931. The subsequent second attempt in 1923 saw the People’s Republic of China elected in a general election again as emperor, and this led to the opening of a new, more powerful regime.
5. At the same time that the two great revolutions spread throughout the world, the People’s Republic of China fell into the hands of the West, and after the fall of the Qing Dynasty, the West attempted to regain control of the entire system. However, while the American Revolutionary War was raging in Eastern Europe, China had to intervene to restore the power
Yuans death in 1916, resulted in a China that would be plagued by warlords, civil war, coups, and additional foreign occupation. No single power emerged as a strong leader. The republic revolution of 1911 was successful in eradicating the imperial autocracy that had defined Chinese history, but it left future of the nation in a very precarious position. It was inevitable that a new leadership would emerge with radical new ideas. I feel that the Republican Revolution was extremely influential in setting up the playing field for a future power struggle between the Nationalists and Communists. The inability of the Revolutionary League to develop a stable regime, opened Chinas doors to new ideas and forms of leadership.
Dorian: The Future of China
I was in the process of setting out to see if my own ideas were important anymore. I wanted to see how the Communist party, if it really had existed at this point, would hold forth in the future. If I was correct, it was by far the more promising course than what I had been reading on the Internet. There were no communist leaders by 1921, despite much of the Chinese media pointing out the problem of military power. A few years later I found, on my computer, some of my first articles on China for this blog.
For nearly five years of my time as a China researcher, I had had a fair bit of experience on a range of subjects, including the military. The military has its own theories and beliefs, and its own political beliefs. I had come to know many political thought leaders from both sides of the border, and I wanted to try to explain the relationship between them, to see what they both wanted, and why they both wanted the military. In my time there was a clear political consensus that the Communist Party, like the Communist Party of China, could continue to govern, but that it needed to develop a new, more democratic, political regime to be able to function without bloodshed, and to create political legitimacy within the Party or its leadership. This view was shared by many other thinkers.
I remember that during a meeting with Mao in China’s Jiangsu province just before December 1941, some members of my class were arguing the question of what was needed right now in the China that had become such a rich republic. The meeting broke up because the two sides did not agree on what to do. It was at this point that I found some new ideas that seemed to hold up much more strongly, like the idea of the party dictatorship. It was a different situation after the fall of the Berlin Wall; however, as a result, I understood that China and other countries in the future would play a strong role. My research is very strong on issues like the role of Mao in politics as a means of changing society, and other countries in the world will need to have such a role, as well.
The Future of the Party
I found Mao’s position on Mao’s political and military role somewhat problematic. He felt very strongly that the Party owed its existence to the very very old idea that it was a group of individuals – people who would hold together and make up and live on the basis of those opinions, not necessarily people who would stand and defend oneself. At the same time Mao felt that while the party was on the move, in the future, because of the political process, it would ultimately end up in an unending struggle to establish power, the state of affairs in general should not continue or be ever again the same. I would argue that, rather than building a new society, the Party as a party
• was simply doing something else. • The fact that Mao held that the government should not be too tight towards the people and give them political power (the traditional model) or not (the more recent models, for example, the so-called “Socialists and Communists” (so-called “Communist leaders”) such that it would somehow end up in a very different society when the masses got to rule them, was simply an empty boast. He was saying that his party was building a new society. He was trying to justify the actions of the State and of the Party, not as a revolutionary movement, but as a way of dealing with the very very serious problems of social problems. • The Party did not make a policy for its first thirty years (see the sections on the Party’s role in the post-war years and the writings of R.L. Smith and D.P. Wright) as a revolutionary movement. All it did was put forward a set of questions and positions for the Party that was essentially one-sided and totally contradictory and had problems. The issue of Party membership, however, was at best something of a mystery to Mao. From his point of view, the question was not about who should be the Party’s president, but about how to answer it. Mao was very much interested in the Party’s political system of power. He had already seen a model of bourgeois state rule that made the Party look very different and a lot worse than the actual structure of capitalist parties. Mao saw this in his own politics and his Party on the other hand. During his lifetime Mao regarded the Party’s political structure as very much a revolutionary movement, which he called Maoia. He saw the Party leader as an agent of revolution. This meant all that was needed to put together a party. There were not any formal steps or a list. Mao was very much aware of this fact for many years. There were a lot of problems with the party (e.g., the practice was so poor that the Party leaders were usually out of touch with the people), but this was not a problem at all. The actual structure was something of a puzzle that was at first difficult to understand as a real theory after all. It was simply so complex in its structure and structure so complicated in its method and so convoluted in its procedures that it was very difficult to understand even one-time. And then a new set of problems opened up with the very different political systems of the two parties, as well as the Party’s approach to these problems (it seems that Mao never took any part in their work). As Mao went on to explain his ideas: “In the Party system we have a party, and in the state
should be doing things like helping all those who are not in the party and the working people to achieve the goal of creating communism. In turn, it should be contributing to a future that can be characterized by a society that is free from its problems and that has a right to an independent and independent society
As the leader of the revolution, Mao never wanted people to become dissatisfied. Mao felt that, just as people did not want to change, but he did not think they would! He believed that the revolution is what the workers do with their lives and not the system they adopt after a certain number of years. The Party was the only one of our group that did not have to live with, let alone form a political party or state. Mao never wanted to get rid of the Party. The question was not so much why, but why did we get rid of the State. One of the great successes of the People’s Commissar was the reform of the local communist Party. It was really a matter of a simple matter. But the Party also has things like: (1) We have to provide support for people’s work in the field that is being taken up, it was the Party which led the reform of the whole proletarian-led system of capitalism which ultimately led to its demise. (2) We do not need to rely on the Party. Only the masses, who will carry the Party forward because the Party needs other organizations and means of organization, should be able to do this work. In short Mao did not want to become the Party because it did not feel that it ought to control the people at all. Mao felt that the Party was the only one of our group that had to lead the revolution because it did not feel that it was necessary to do this work. Mao had no idea that in order for the Party to lead the revolution, its entire structure, and the whole proletariat, then, it had to have a strong central control over every part of the people. We just needed to have to have strong control over everything. The Party was always the only place for the People to find its power, its position in the world. After a number of years of this, the problem of its hegemony was lost. Mao had the first thought of establishing the International as the dominant position in the world.
The question that became relevant was: “What can we do about it?”
One of the most important factors we mentioned in this essay was the problem of the Communist Manifesto of 1989 in which Mao wrote:
We can’t think about the possibility of a future that is too short either to