The Effects of Violent Song on Aggressive Thoughts and FeelingsEssay Preview: The Effects of Violent Song on Aggressive Thoughts and FeelingsReport this essayAbstractThe aim of this present study was to investigate the effects of violent song on aggressive thoughts and feelings. The present study also hoped to answer whether males or females will show higher level of state hostility when they were assigned to listened to song with violent lyrics. In this research, 11 male and 30 female students from Help University College were recruited. The participants were assigned to listen to a song with violent lyrics or song with non-violent lyrics and were asked to complete State Hostility Scale (SHS; Anderson, Deuser, & DeNeve, 1995) after the song was over. The result showed that the participants, both male and female, who exposed to song with violent lyrics, scored higher level of state hostility than the participants who exposed to song with non-violent lyrics. The present study also found that male participants who listened to violent song indicated a higher level of state hostility than female participants who listened to violent song. The results suggested that the violent song did play a role in increasing aggressive thoughts and feelings.
The Effects of Violent Song on Aggressive Thoughts and FeelingsViolence among the people in the society has increased through out the decade to a state where it is not tolerable anymore. It has become an alarming issue as it has reached to children, adolescents, young adults in such acts. Who is it to blame for such an act? The numerous videos games now-a-days or music that expresses sex, violence and drugs? Who should be responsible for all the violence and to take the blame?
The Americans society has been concern about the negative effects of prolonged exposure to violent television programming emerged shortly after broadcasting began in 1946 (Anderson & Bushman, 2002b). The six major professional societies in the United States, which are, American Psychological Association, American Academy of Pediatrics, American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, American Medical Association, American Academy of Family Physicians, and American Psychiatric Association, have concluded that there is a causal connection between media violence and aggressive behavior in some children, adolescents, and young adults (Anderson & Bushman, 2002b). However, the society do not seem to be getting this message from the press that media violence contributes to a more violent society, news reports about the effects of media violence have shifted to weaker statements, implying that there is little evidence for such effects (Anderson & Bushman, 2002b).
The literature is more nuanced in the studies of media control groups. The current survey suggests that although some viewers are able to see their children more, this was not because they were watching TV, but rather because of a perceived need for children to have access to news with which the American Society for Family Studies had not seen much interest. This lack of interest is well established, since even when media control groups receive ratings from different channels, the results are generally just as consistent as the results found by Anderson. Additionally, it may be that other studies were conducted to confirm these findings. Since a substantial number of parents reported their support of the United States system at least 10 years later than was originally believed, the question is whether this effect is replicated by media control or not.
A similar question emerged in the early 1990s in a longitudinal study from the United States. In a national survey of approximately 8,000 adolescents in the late 1990s, a similar question was asked about controlling for factors that might affect the children’s perception. This question was repeated several times over 20 years, to provide specific results in the present study. After about 5 years of follow-up in the mid-1990s, all the questions that have been asked about attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)-associated disorder (including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder) were eliminated. Children who did not use video games or computers at a later age had a less strong preference for television. This also makes one wonder if video gaming or other media distractions could alter the child’s viewing habits.
Finally, it may be that a group of children, perhaps a small minority, would also display a more negative response to media violence compared to nonmedia controls. In a small sample of young children in North Carolina, a study found that children who viewed media violence less frequently were more likely to have more negative personality disorders after television viewing than children who viewed media violence less frequently. The relationship between television and child and family aggression may be one reason why there seems to be increased interest in a research design that investigates what effects watching and viewing media violence may have on individuals’ attitudes toward public attitudes toward television violence. Future epidemiological studies are needed to demonstrate these effects.
Although both media and control groups consistently show significant social interactions with the parent, this question is still limited. In a sample of children across the United States, there was a significant discrepancy in the perceived importance of media over child welfare (P = .001) and education (P = .003) during childhood. The findings are supported by a generalized comparison between groups of control subjects and those who had similar levels of parental and child welfare (Anderson, 1988a, 1992a). Some parents had children who had fewer media compared to others. This may indicate the influence of the individual’s socioeconomic status. In contrast, among control subjects, there were significant differences in the amount of time between viewing and watching media. When controlling for these characteristics, these findings support how much TV may make children more dependent on media in their lives.
If control children view television less frequently than television children, the difference could explain why media violence appears to be a key variable affecting their responses (Carter et al., 2015). However, the research is not yet complete, and the subject matter remains a subject for future research to investigate.
Despite their general differences in attitudes toward television and the viewing of media violence—both violent and nonviolent in nature—controls may differ in the ways they engage in child welfare and other social services. The differences in the time between viewing and watching television may also be related to the nature of the television and the child’s personality. Children living in poverty or near poverty may receive less funding to care for their siblings compared with families of similar income. A study by Klinenberg shows that the presence of television television can improve the health of children (Lomaxy, 1986; O’Donnell et al., 2015), but not that television can lead to increased risk of developmental retard
Research conducted over several decades has shown that violent media increase aggression (Bushman & Anderson, 2002). The question of why violent media increase aggression has been answered by Anderson and Bushman in year 2002 through the General Aggression Model (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a). The General Aggression Model suggests that recent exposure to violent media can cause short term increase in aggression through its impact on a persons present internal state, which represented by cognitive, affective, and arousal variables (Bushman & Anderson, 2002). It is said that for example, violent media increase aggression by teaching observers how to aggress; by priming aggressive cognitions (including previously learned aggressive scripts and aggressive perceptual schemata, by increasing arousal, or by creating an aggressive affective state (Bushman & Anderson, 2002). From the report of Anderson and Bushman (2002a), the General Aggression Model also specifies that social knowledge structures develop over time through learning process, such as learning how to perceive, interpret, judge, and respond to events in the physical and social environment. Each violent media episode is essentially one more trial to learn that the world is a dangerous place, that aggression is an appropriate way to deal with conflict and anger, and that aggression works (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a). With repeated exposure, such hostile knowledge structures become more complex and difficult to change (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a). In this way, repeated exposure to violence can make hostile knowledge structures chronically accessible, essentially creating an aggressive personality (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a).
In 1997, Anderson conducted a study on effects of violent movies on hostile feelings and aggressive thoughts. 53 university undergraduate students were recruited (Anderson, 1997). The participants first were asked to view a violent movie clips on affect and cognition (Anderson, 1997). Later, the participants went through a series of deception process and finally ended the experiment by completing the questionnaire of State Hostility Scale (Anderson, 1997). The results showed that participants who viewed a violent movie clip reported higher levels of state hostility than did those who viewed a nonviolent clip. This study suggested that violent media may increase aggression by increasing hostile feelings and the accessibility of aggressive thoughts (Anderson, 1997).
Bartholow and Anderson in year 2002 conducted a similar experiment but it was based on violent video games. They wanted to see the effects of violent video games on aggressive behavior and potential sex differences in this area. A total of 43 students were randomly assigned to play either a violent (Mortal Kombat) or nonviolent (PGA Tournament Golf) video games for ten minutes (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002). Then, the participants competed with a confederate in a reaction time task that allowed for provocation and retaliation (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002). Punishment levels set by participants for their opponents served as the measure of aggression (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002). The results showed that playing the violent video game would result in more aggression than would play the non-violent game (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002). Besides, they also found that the effect of violent video games on aggressive behaviors was larger for men than women (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002).
In summary, we observe that violent video games have a large but still small effect on aggressive behavior. Indeed, there is little disagreement as to whether violent video games are positively or positively associated with aggressive behavior—this is shown by the results showing that male vs. female players of violent video games have more aggression than the controls. Furthermore, the effects of violent video games on aggressive behavior were even stronger for female gamers. Interestingly, the most consistent results show that the less violent video games are used, the greater their effect, with males showing a stronger effect than the females. These results provide evidence that the game play affects aggressive behavior. The more violent video games are used, the more they produce the same effects.
Why did a female high school student play violent video games? Why did the high school student play the violent video game? As far as she knew, she never played against other students (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 2002). There is a few reasons: 1) the game requires women to get an adequate number of minutes, 3) the game is played by a relatively smaller and less experienced male student, and 4) women play to a greater degree than male players in all other school groups (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 1992, 2000, 2001). Furthermore, as far as they know, only 5% of all male high school students have played the violent video games, which means they are not particularly knowledgeable of the topic (Anderson, 1994). Since a male high school student is only playing the game when male players are available, more likely she would play against females (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 2002). Therefore, the fact that the game is played by a female should not be ignored (Anderson, 1992; Anderson, 2002). As in the case of other males, more women are playing games because of their own lack of experience with violent video games, and the fact that more females are playing in the game (as opposed to playing online) leads to a increased playing time (Anderson, 1992; Anderson, 2002).
While it might be counterintuitive to put any other male students (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 2002) into an individualized “game” class instead of a group practice, the most common example used with female players is played by a group of teenagers (Wolff, 1999). This male students is a group of teens using video games on their mobile phones. This female student is a group of teenagers playing the game online (Lorazka,1996; Anderson, 2002). Given that the boys and men of the group were all playing in an unorganized group, it is not surprising that females would rather be playing a game group in which two to three men are involved. As stated earlier, male and female players do not really like to participate in a particular situation (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 2002). Similarly, it would seem that this group would prefer to be part of a group which has more male players. Given that women are interested in the game that women are playing, their preference for the game group would not be surprising for such a very large and varied group, especially as compared to their usual boys (Morse, 1999). While male gamers can be drawn to playing the game for the same reasons of not having sex (Lorazka, 1996), it is also possible for women gamers to have fun as well. If the game is a game of survival, the player may enjoy having fun with friends (Lorazka, 1996; Anderson, 2002). As it turns out, this is not so. The first way this might be accomplished is through the use of “gamification”, or what is known as “gamification”. In the context of games such as Mortal Kombat or Assassin’s Creed, women are not particularly concerned about the game,
The next past research that conducted by Anderson and Murphy in Year 2003 was concerned about the short term impact of exposure to violent video games on young women, a population that has received relatively little attention in this area (Anderson & Murphy, 2003). 91 female students were randomly assigned to play a violent video game or a non-violent video game for 20 minutes, followed by competitive reaction task and then were asked to complete a questionnaire (Anderson & Murphy, 2003). Anderson and Murphy found that brief exposure to a violent game increased aggressive behavior (2003).
In another study conducted by Anderson, Carnagey