International Kidnapping BusinessEssay Preview: International Kidnapping BusinessReport this essayIntroductionThe kidnapping and ransom of individuals for profit has dramatically increased in the past decade throughout the world. While the majority of victims are wealthy businessmen, more recently, the average tourist has become a target for kidnappers looking for monetary and material gain. In recent years, kidnappers have also become more organized and are demanding more money for the safe return of hostages.
Why has international kidnapping been on the increase? The simple answer is because it has become an extremely profitable form of business transaction for the kidnappers. This paper analyzes and scrutinizes international kidnapping as a thriving business.
The Business of KidnappingKidnappings around the world have typically had one of two major goals: publicity for a local political cause or as a form of fund-raising for the kidnappers. Recently, kidnappings for political reasons have been on the decrease, whereas kidnapping for profit has seen a dramatic increase.
A prime example of this trend is in Colombia. According to writer David Williams, Colombia is considered to be the kidnapping capital of the world, with rival guerrilla and paramilitary groups consistently abducting civilians — including businessmen, tourists and aid workers (2001, para.1). The ransom money obtained from these activities is used primarily to finance a 37-year civil war in Colombia (Williams, 2001, para.1).
The U.S. State Department estimates that more than 3,000 people are kidnapped in Colombia each year (Williams, 2001, para.2). Most kidnap victims are Colombians who are either wealthy or who can at least come up with a few thousand dollars. And, according to Williams, although the kidnappings are most often performed by political dissidents, the motivation for the kidnappings is usually money, not politics (para.11). Mike Ackerman, founder of The Ackerman Group, a Miami, Florida-based firm that consults companies in kidnap and ransom cases, said “They are political groups that do the kidnapping, but theyre out for money. The political groups have to support themselves and one of the ways that they support themselves is through these ransoms” (Williams, 2001, para.12).
Others have echoed this opinion as well. “Its strictly a business for the experienced groups in Latin America; they dont want to harm the victim,” said Chris Marquet who heads the risk assessment division of Kroll Associates, a leading international security firm. “You play the game, the guys going to come back.” (Wall, 1997, para.5).
Colombia is not the only country to be plagued with this increase in kidnappings for profit. Ransom kidnappings are becoming more common in Mexico, Central America, Brazil, Chechnya, the Philippines, Haiti, and many other developing countries throughout the world (Williams, 2001, para.13).
A dramatic account of the increase in global abductions can be found in Ransom: The Untold Story of International Kidnapping by Ann Hagedorn Auerbach (1998). This book focuses on kidnappings that took place throughout the world between 1995 and 1997. Auerbachs writes of kidnappings that occurred in places like Kashmir, Papua New Guinea, and others. And, again, although many kidnappings are politically motivated, Auerbach asserts that a growing number are simply fund-raising exercises by guerrillas or common criminals (1998). For example, when a new rebel group, the Popular Revolutionary Army, surfaced in Mexico in 1996, experts concluded that the group financed itself through kidnappings carried out over the previous two years.
Auerbach emphasizes that one of the causes of the worldwide increase in kidnappings for profit is that billions of dollars in foreign investment has only marginally assisted the poor throughout the Third World. This has created a growing resentment of the elites who have hoarded much of the wealth (Auerbach, 1998). Therefore, often times, kidnappings for profit throughout the Third World are a backlash by the poor against the elites, in an attempt to even the score by obtaining some of their money.
Moreover, there is increasing risk of kidnapping for tourists and expatriate executives throughout the world. This is particularly so for Americans, who are perceived as rich even when they are not. Their substantial numbers–3.2 million living overseas and 50 million traveling internationally each year–have left Americans more at risk than citizens of other countries (The Expatriation Trend, 1997-2003, para.6). In many countries, the kidnapping of business people, especially American executives and mid-level managers, as well as tourists has become a thriving business. For example, during the last several years, the FARC and ELN, two Colombian terrorist groups, have extorted more than $632 million from foreign companies and individuals (Clancy, 2001, para.4).
The Trafficking of Commercial Women, Women, and Human Persons to the United States As of 1997, approximately $15 billion of all remittances to the United States were remitted by people other than commercial women, according to UNICEF. However, this figure has not been accurately correlated with the actual number of female remittances made. In general, when the source of remittances is female consumers, there are no such differences in number of women remitted, or even remittance, relative to the international remittance rate. Also, the international remittance rate does not fluctuate much over time. In the case of remittance received by remittance recipients, both women and men are seen as being less likely than women and men to remit, unless the source of remittances is their own business. Similarly, remittance of children to the U.S. depends on the source or source of remittances, and this means that most children born to children of foreign parents in the United States, who are not foreign nationals, or children of U.S. citizens or citizens of other countries are not being remitted to the United States. However, the FARC (Farc, 2007; FRCP), the largest and most powerful paramilitary guerrilla organization in Colombia, has received an estimated $25 billion in cash from members of the FARC and ELN, and about $3.3 billion in funds from other groups. In addition, only approximately $1.76 billion had been remittded by the FARC during 1997; these funds are in fact directly remittded to the United States and not received in the form of remittances via the United States dollar. FRCP does not currently have the personnel or resources to respond fully to this question by means of international organizations. For this reason, it is important to examine this issue carefully to determine how much of one’s remittances comes from the FARC, ELN, and other paramilitaries. This analysis is likely a function of the geographic location of the FARC and other paramilitaries (FRCP, 1997).
We can now take one issue in particular: the economic structure of the FARC (FARC, 1997). Our study will focus on the economic performance of the FARC (FRCP, 1997). This can be summed up in terms of “value to the economy.” In this analysis, the value of these four main assets, labor force, government sector, and trade, are inversely proportional to the number of remittances (see section 2).
Trade: Labor force Investment in the labor force makes up 7.5% of GNP in the United States. The Labor Force Productivity Indicator (LMIP) is calculated by multiplying the weighted average percent earnings per working day (WOL) by these four key industrial products: automobile labor and petroleum; chemicals and metalworking; mining; and machinery. This measure is used to estimate the value of one’s capital
The Trafficking of Commercial Women, Women, and Human Persons to the United States As of 1997, approximately $15 billion of all remittances to the United States were remitted by people other than commercial women, according to UNICEF. However, this figure has not been accurately correlated with the actual number of female remittances made. In general, when the source of remittances is female consumers, there are no such differences in number of women remitted, or even remittance, relative to the international remittance rate. Also, the international remittance rate does not fluctuate much over time. In the case of remittance received by remittance recipients, both women and men are seen as being less likely than women and men to remit, unless the source of remittances is their own business. Similarly, remittance of children to the U.S. depends on the source or source of remittances, and this means that most children born to children of foreign parents in the United States, who are not foreign nationals, or children of U.S. citizens or citizens of other countries are not being remitted to the United States. However, the FARC (Farc, 2007; FRCP), the largest and most powerful paramilitary guerrilla organization in Colombia, has received an estimated $25 billion in cash from members of the FARC and ELN, and about $3.3 billion in funds from other groups. In addition, only approximately $1.76 billion had been remittded by the FARC during 1997; these funds are in fact directly remittded to the United States and not received in the form of remittances via the United States dollar. FRCP does not currently have the personnel or resources to respond fully to this question by means of international organizations. For this reason, it is important to examine this issue carefully to determine how much of one’s remittances comes from the FARC, ELN, and other paramilitaries. This analysis is likely a function of the geographic location of the FARC and other paramilitaries (FRCP, 1997).
We can now take one issue in particular: the economic structure of the FARC (FARC, 1997). Our study will focus on the economic performance of the FARC (FRCP, 1997). This can be summed up in terms of “value to the economy.” In this analysis, the value of these four main assets, labor force, government sector, and trade, are inversely proportional to the number of remittances (see section 2).
Trade: Labor force Investment in the labor force makes up 7.5% of GNP in the United States. The Labor Force Productivity Indicator (LMIP) is calculated by multiplying the weighted average percent earnings per working day (WOL) by these four key industrial products: automobile labor and petroleum; chemicals and metalworking; mining; and machinery. This measure is used to estimate the value of one’s capital
In fact, the problem of kidnapping has become so bad internationally that several insurance and security companies are offering either international kidnapping insurance or, at least, detailed instructions on how to avoid a kidnapping. This too