Nationalism
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Founded in 1965 by Ron Karenga, US emerged in Southern California shortly after Watts exploded into a riot and Malcolm X was assassinated. As nationalist sentiment grew among African American organizations because of the impact of Malcolm X, US established itself as a cultural nationalist group. It called for racial unity and for black people to free themselves from white oppression by embracing a “recovered” African culture.
For US, that meant Kawaida, a quasi-religious system of beliefs and rituals advocating black pride, unity, culture and self-defense. Upon becoming a member or “advocate” of US, a person was given a Swahili name, urged to wear African clothing and immersed in the groups complex doctrine, practices and organizational hierarchy.
Karenga, a budding scholar of African studies who was fluent in Swahili, constructed Kawaida, says Brown, by adapting rituals and beliefs — primarily from the Zulus of South Africa — to the organizations own rituals, beliefs and holidays. Kwanzaa, a holiday created by US in 1966, is now observed by millions of African Americans.
Browns portrait is historically sharp and honest. He includes a discussion of the damaging effects of sexism and of Karengas cult of personality.
Browns research is also sensitive to misconceptions that have plagued US past, such as the name standing for “United Slaves.” The name, Brown says, simply “stands for Black People: the pronoun US as opposed to them, the white oppressors.”
Browns study of US emerges as a keen observation of how a relatively small group became a central force in a mass movement through its ideological influence. “The groups approach to organizing,” Brown writes, “which resisted mass recruitment into its ranks . . . saw no need for a large membership. Their goal was to ideologically influence other organizations with its united- front approach, and thus direct the course of the coming cultural revolution. ” Brown illustrates this best in the section “The New Ark Laboratory,” in which he cites US alliance with writer-activist Amiri Baraka and several organizations in Newark, N.J., which not only helped elect the citys first black mayor but also turned Newark into a stronghold for the Kawaida doctrine when US fell into decline in the early 70s.
Brown is equally attentive to the stumbling blocks faced by US. For instance, the section “Operational Unity and the US-Panther Conflict” gives a dynamic history of the escalating tensions between US and the Black Panther Party, as well as Karengas political missteps that jeopardized US anti- establishment credibility. Although philosophical differences were the primary source of the US-Panther discord, Brown refers to a 1968 article that stated that Karenga secretly met with police as well as California Gov. Ronald Reagan after Dr. Martin Luther Kings assassination and that those meetings increased the tension.
Browns most revelatory work is on the effect the UCLA murders of Carter and Huggins had on US. Afterward, Brown says, “a taxing combination of the threat of retaliation from the Black Panther Party alongside police and FBI surveillance, disruption and attacks” marked the groups decline as it descended into paranoia and militarization. But the murders, Brown says, would also place US at a historical disadvantage as US never gained mass popularity through “social service efforts, activism or effective use of American mass media” as did the Panthers.
“US did not pursue the kinds of activities that helped the Panthers become a popular icon of black resistance,” writes Brown. Without broad support, the story of the black power movement would overwhelmingly be told from a Panther perspective with books such as Huey Newtons “Revolutionary Suicide” and Bobby Seales “Seize the Time.” As a result, Brown writes, this would generate a “barrage of anti-US allegations and mischaracterizations” in the years following the movement.
Ultimately, Browns exploration of US does a tremendous job of challenging those misconceptions. But more important, it gives the organization its rightful place in the expanding story of black peoples quest for power in America.
Marcus Reeves is the publisher of TellSpin, a Brooklyn literary magazine. He is working on a book of essays about hip-hop music.
Fighting for Us:
Maulana Karenga, the US Organization, and Black Cultural Nationalism
Scot Brown, foreword by Clayborne Carson
ISBN 0814798772
224 pages Cloth Publication date:
In spite of the ever-growing popularity of Kwanzaa, the story of the influential Black nationalist organization behind the holiday has never been told. Fighting for Us explores the fascinating history of the Us Organization, a Black nationalist group based in California that played a leading role in Black Power politics and culture during the late 1960s and early 70s whose influence is still felt today. Advocates of Afrocentric renewal, Us unleashed creative and intellectual passions that continue to fuel debate and controversy among scholars and students of the Black Power movement.
Founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, Us established an extensive network of alliances with a diverse body of activists, artists and organizations throughout the United States for the purpose of bringing about an African American cultural revolution. Fighting for Us presents the first historical examination of Us philosophy, internal dynamics, political activism and influence on African American art, making an elaborate use of oral history interviews, organizational archives, Federal Bureau of Investigation files, newspaper accounts, and other primary sources of the period.
This book also sheds light on factors contributing to the organizations decline in the early 70s–government repression, authoritarianism, sexism, and elitist vanguard politics. Previous scholarship about Us has been shaped by a war of words associated with a feud between Us and the Black Panther Party that gave way to a series of violent and deadly clashes in Los Angeles. Venturing beyond the lingering rhetoric of rivalry, this book illuminates the ideological