Discrimination Among Puerto RicansDiscrimination among Puerto RicansThroughout history Puerto Ricans have been discriminated against by other groups. The first migration of Puerto Ricans into the United States was in the 1930s. The Puerto Rican migrants established communities in urban cities across the country, including New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Newark. Many of the migrants were forced to return to the mainland of Puerto Rico due to the discrimination they encountered in the 1960s and 1970s. Puerto Ricans struggled with poverty, unemployment, and racial discrimination due to their ethnicity. Dark skin Puerto Ricans were often excluded of jobs, education, and even housing. This group was lacking essential social and cultural resources needed to surpass poverty. These actions were clearly the result of the dual labor market. Furthermore, they were assaulted by non-Puerto Rican street gangs (“Immigration Puerto Rican / Cuban”, n.d.). The challenges that this ethic group faced was unjust and unacceptable to Puerto Ricans.
As the second generation of Puerto Ricans were born into the United States new political movements were constructed as well. Puerto Ricans structured a campaign for greater civil rights, equal opportunity to education, employment, and changes to the status of Puerto Rico (“Immigration Puerto Rican / Cuban”, n.d.). The inequalities have occurred as a result of structural discriminatory actions in the labor market and reproduced in the class structure of the economy. Many Puerto Rican workers obtained low-paid unskilled jobs, compared to other groups in America (PIMENTEL, 2008). In the 1951 referendum, the Puerto Rican population voted to become a United States commonwealth, instead of remaining a colony. Furthermore, activists urged social reform and increased economic aid to the island, which was struggling economically for quite some time. The relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico grew strong
The Puerto Rico’s Civil Rights and Immigration Act of 1980 raised the legal age and eligibility for citizenship to sixty (64). The Act also protected a number of Puerto Rican families (as well as several native Puerto Ricans), and Puerto Rican-American organizations held legal representation in a number of lawsuits (Nelson, 2008). In the late 1960s, the Act did not expand federal aid to the island but restricted state aid to those in need of assistance. However, after a large portion of Puerto Ricans refused to participate in the 1981 election for governor, some Puerto Rican officials sought a waiver. As the Puerto Rican-American community started to demand greater participation in the presidential primary, Senator Kennedy supported the Act and joined in its passage (Vancouver, 2010). In a 1976 campaign address, Senator Cruz noted that that a large number have not participated in the elections. In a 1997 interview on Univision, Senator Castro described the Puerto Rican- American political history as the most remarkable historical time in his Nation for a return of Puerto Ricans to the States (Lopez-Corti, 1996). In the context of public opinion, the passage of the Act meant that more Puerto Ricans, particularly African-Americans, were becoming involved in politics (Lopez-Corti et al., 1996). In fact, the Puerto Rican-American community experienced an incredible increase in political participation as voters had a better understanding of the American political dynamic. During the 2008 election, this increased political participation fueled the public debate concerning the merits of a more equitable solution to the American racial divide. However, the act has made it a relatively new social movement. As the Puerto Rican-American community came to feel disenfranchised as voters sought to find a way in, its political influence shifted from one of concern about the lack of representation to one about how to address the economic and social problems facing the islands (PUNETO, 2008). Many felt they were too fearful of the public, and Puerto Rican support for their vote was waning. This prompted the campaign, The People’s Struggle for Puerto Rico, in November 2008 to focus on addressing the challenges faced by Puerto Rican youth who were disenfranchised (PUNETO, 2008). The campaign also focused on ways to help those impacted by the current crisis and the Puerto Rican and American public as well as the public at large (Vancouver, 2010). In support of this endeavor, the Puerto Rican-American community has organized for a number of events, which include events including a “No, Puerto Rican and American Jobs for Puerto Rico” rally, which serves as a public venue for the rally, and a social engagement to connect individuals to individuals of varying skill levels (Mueller, 2007). In addition, Puerto Rican-American organizations have held event rallies of support groups. The organization Puerto Rico for American Communities (PUCANA), was founded by New York State Council of New York Representative Tom Harkin to serve as an independent organizing office for Puerto Rican youth in New York State (Dennis-Mazarela, 2011). The organization is organized largely through social organizations such as the PUCANA Youth Alliance (PSMA). PSCANA projects youth of Spanish descent residing in Punta Alegre to work for the PUCANA. PPUCANA Youth in support of the election has formed a “Unification Committee” (UHC). To include a Latino community member, Puerto Rican Youth in Advance of the election has met with representatives of the PUCANA Youth Alliance (PSMA). PUCANA Youth in support of the election has formed a “Unification Committee” (UHC). To include a Latino community member, Puerto Rican Youth in Advance of the election has met with representatives of the PUCANA Youth Alliance