Sino-Us RelationsEssay Preview: Sino-Us RelationsReport this essayChapter 1: IntroductionBackground Information:Sino-US relations came into the global picture in 1946, when the civil war in China broke out. The Kuomintang was supported by the US, while the Communists in China had the support from the Soviet Union. China and US regarded each other as enemies from 1949 to 1971, whereby both nations is in the face of Cold War, mainly due to ideological differences. The split of the Chinese and the Soviet brands of Marxist-Leninism formed a triangular conflict. The relations improved as US collaborated with China to defeat Soviet Union.
Relations between China and the US took a dramatic step forward at the beginning of 1979 with the establishment of formal recognition between the two nations and the implementation of Chinas “open policy”. However, relations were at its lowest after the Tiananmen incident. American public saw the crackdown as a brutal suppression of freedom and democracy. More recently, the rapid economic growth of China has open up business opportunities to US, conversely challenged the orthodox view of western superiority. Still, the Sino-US relation has been viewed by many historians as the cornerstone which determines global stability.
Rationale:This paper aims to provide a framework for discussion of the current development of Sino-US relations. Pertaining to the analysis of the impact of foreign policies, it is lacking in the existing literature, whereby it was scantly mentioned by a only few historians such as Dumbaugh (1997). The recent rise of Chinas economy and military buildup has made it crucial for us to understand the significance of relations between the existing power (US) and the potential power (China). Hence, this paper aims to provide a wider scope of discussion which includes analyzing the impacts of both countries foreign policy on Sino-US relations. As one of the pioneer researcher to analyze the current situation, it is hoped that this paper will contribute to the existing body of knowledge.
Significance:While factors affecting Sino-US relations have been extensively discussed, however, the existing literature lacks the analysis pertaining to foreign policy making. The foreign policies of both countries are neglected by most historians such as Sutter (1996) and Morrison (2005). This paper provides an extended discussion which includes the impacts of both countries foreign policy on Sino-US relations.
Research Questions:What are the factors leading to the strained Sino-US relations in the 21st century?To what extent are the two nations partners, opponents, or a combination of both?Thesis:“The current status of Sino-US relations is economically partners but politically opponents.”Research Methodology:A broad survey on different literature will be conducted to discover major perspectives regarding the topic. This will be followed by discussion of relevant topics such as the analysis of the various factors affecting Sino-US relations. Finally, a conclusion will be made to summarize the paper and determine whether the thesis is true or the otherwise.
Usefulness:The outcome of Sino-US relations affects global stability, given the fact that both nations are vastly linked to the world both economically and politically. In the Singapore context, the well-being of Sino-US relations has a stake in the progress of this country. Understanding this topic allows readers to have an advantage in ones market investment.
Limitations:This research paper focuses on the interplay of economic and political factors affecting Sino-US relations and defines their current terms as partners or opponents, and offer some theories and predictions on the progress of Sino-US relations. This limited scope may not provide a holistic picture of the relation as it lacks the social component. Nevertheless, cultures, religions and believes as part of social factors has major impacts to Sino-US relations; it is still worth researching in order to discover the social viewpoint.
Chapter 2: Literature ReviewBroad Survey:Right up to 1979, during the Maos era, traditional historians such as Hissinger and Nunn view China and US to be enemies in every aspect, given the fact that the Cold War period was an ideological warfare. However, this view has been challenged by Zhu(1982) and many after the establishment of diplomatic ties between US and China in 1979. The early 1980s saw more emphasis being placed on the prospects and possibilities for Sino-US relations. Conversely, former US assistant secretary of state for economic affairs sees this perspective otherwise. In his words, “China was a card to play against the Soviets”. The debate became more controversial as Sino-US relations emerged in the 1990s, whereby the discussion evolves around interdependency, distinct government systems and the manipulation of security issues. Today, terrorism has opened the path for another angle of discussion, added up by the on-going issue of Taiwan and Tibet.
Sino-US relations: The economic studyThe role of a powerful economy, as described by Sutter (1995), is “able to make most foreign powers unwilling to confront a country on most issues”, and that the country has a “freer hand to pursue their objectives.” This definition was added on by Raman (2001), who views without economic strength, military strength, by itself, is only a limited utility.
China: Challenging USs economic dominanceSutter(1995) stresses that the pursuit for economic dominance, in particularly caused by the rise of China, changed the outlook of Sino-US relations. He sees the relations as a rather pessimistic perspective, regarding the rise of Chinas economy as the stepping stone for this deterioration. He believes that Beijing will “mobilize this economic power against American interest and attempt to isolate the US from its allies or prompt Washington to soft pedal differences with China out of concerns for the American economy”. Morrison(1996) supports this assertion by citing issues such as the US trade deficit with China, as well as Chinas violation of US intellectual property rights. Most historians from this school
and the current scholar, Lamberth(1995) also see China’s economic development as being in contradiction to Western efforts to promote the development of China, and as “the source of political conflict, economic friction and social ills” among both the US and China. And he is not suggesting such events are unlikely. The Chinese government of President Shen’s recent visit to Jilin (where all the major Asian economies are located), is a clear example of the sort of international and economic developments he expects, despite US pressure and “the American economic blockade”. These developments could also serve the interests of US interests if they are to be allowed to continue after China’s fall. At the current period of U.S.-China economic relations are going much more in the direction of stability, which can then be described as the “American view”. These discussions and views are also, as Lamberth noted, more nuanced and specific than the “Bolshevik” approach taken during the Cold War in which the US imposed strict, non-interference restrictions on China (a move the US considered “overreactionary”). As of now, however, the Chinese authorities are clearly on the cusp of a full-scale economic policy reform as reflected in the new law. This reforms include increased financial inclusion in the Federal Reserve System, increased transparency in banking services, and the creation of the Shanghai Board, an Asian exchange-traded exchange-traded fund, and the creation of an advisory board. In spite of US public support, China does not make the reforms necessary to achieve any of the above goals.
* A note on Lamberth.
Lamberth’s thesis is based upon three sources. (2) He has taken advantage of the “new approach” of the Soviet Union to promote economic development in the Central and Eastern Economies, rather than undercutting them. (3) He has also developed what Lamberth called a strategy for US/South African economic collaboration. These are the “new approach” objectives of Lamberth’s theory. Lamberth argues that US foreign policy aims at undermining Chinese economic domination rather than helping it. Â He also notes that for years US economic and political leaders did not believe in economic independence, yet it was not a matter of “stretching to China”. Â By contrast, Lamberth contends, in China’s current economic development, America can “engage and play a strategic role as a ‘free’ partner within the US trade relations.” In the present, however, American economic and international policy is increasingly seen as the ‘ultimate” means by which China is undermining US economic domination. To begin with, Lamberth observes that this “China-US relationship”, and its implications, are much simpler and more difficult (for example, Chinese trade has fallen further out of favor in the last 30 years than in the last 50 years). Â It can also be perceived that American economic and international policy has become more about ‘power-sharing’ than ‘strategic