William Blake: A Marxist Before MarxismEssay Preview: William Blake: A Marxist Before Marxism1 rating(s)Report this essayIn his poem, “The Chimney Sweeper”, William Blake displays the despondent urban life of a young chimney sweeper during the coming of the industrial revolution in order to emphasize the theme of innocence through Marxism and to inform people of the harsh working conditions during the times of child labor promoting political reform. William Blake was born in London on November 28, 1757, to James and Catherine Blake. From early childhood, Blake spoke of having visions. He learned to read and write at home. Blake expressed a wish to become a painter, so his parents sent him to drawing school. Two years later, Blake began writing poetry. One of Blakes assignments as apprentice was to sketch the tombs at Westminster Abbey, exposing him to a variety of Gothic styles from which he would draw inspiration throughout his career. After his seven-year term ended, he studied briefly at the Royal Academy. He married an illiterate woman named Catherine Boucher. Blake taught her to read and to write, and also instructed her in draftsmanship. Later, she helped him print the illuminated poetry for which he is remembered today. Reviewers criticized his physical representation of spiritual happenings and supposed visions as a part of theological insolence, Blakes love for creativity and imagination updates his conception of a personal cosmology that supports both his lyric and visionary poetry. Blakes poetry reflected early proclamations of Marxist topics even though Marxism had not even been documented as a theory.
In order to present the theme of innocence throughout the poem, the rhyming pattern of this poem is maintained in quatrain form allowing it to create a mood of innocence with the rhythm of a child-like song. Because the poem is being told from a childs perspective, Blakes diction remains rudimentary using words like “weep” (Blake) displaying the literary element known as onomatopoeia to convey a mood of unhappiness, and at the same time, bring sympathy to the reader informing them of the harsh realities of child labor. During the latter part of the 18th century and early 19th century, owners of cotton mills collected orphans and children of poor parents throughout the country, obtaining their services merely for the cost of maintaining them. In some cases children five and six years of age were forced to work from 13 to 16 hours a day. A Royal Commission investigated how children from the bottom of the social class ladder were forced to work in mines and collieries. The commission discovered that children began working in their very early years of life; however, most children began working at the ages of 5 and 7. The coal burning chimneys were so small that only young children could fit inside them. Starting around 5 years old, they had to learn to knee and elbow their way up the insides of these chimneys, always sore and bleeding until they formed protective callouses. Their heads were shaved to make it easier to get up and down, but many still got stuck and suffocated. They were even sent up lighted chimneys. By the time they were 12 or so they were useless to the master and to anyone else. Occupational hazards were bone-softening diseases, bowlegs from malnutrition and carrying heavy bags, and cancer of the scrotum. Many children were often critically injured, contaminated with serious illnesses or diseases and, in some cases, some children even experienced fatalities. These children suffered “twisted spines and kneecaps, deformed ankles, eye inflammations and respiratory illnesses, and were only allowed to bathe a few times a year”. (“Factories and Mines: Report on Child Labor, 1843”) An ailment known as “chimney sweeps cancer” commonly appeared on the scrotum from the constant irritation of the soot on their naked bodies. The commission also found that many children were even employed or forced into labor by their parents in an attempt to increase annual family income. Because the wages given to the children was not as much as that given to the other workers, many factories often extended their work days surpassing those of the regular employees. Consequently, many children were pushed away from education and forced into labor. Blakes poem accentuated this issue using many literary elements in order to signify the need for political reform.
His shift from dark imagery to light imagery develops a connection between the boys seemingly imprisonment to the hopes of freedom assimilating the thought of death as the only known form of emancipation and escape. Blakes description of the dream is, in itself, symbolism for false hope, and the angelic character stands as an allusion to heaven or God which keeps the young boys spirit alive. The ignorance of the boys childhood does not allow him to recognize his own situation; therefore, he becomes unable to pursue a better future. In the second poem of “The Chimney Sweeper”, Blakes rhyme scheme, diction, and imagery help to convey that the speaker in both poems is the same. Blake begins his first stanza in the same manner using the same form as the first poem, but as he continues his writing, Blake reveals a more complex rhyme scheme displaying the development and maturity of the child as compared to in the first. Now the child recognizes his position and has developed his own emotions toward the situation he is in. About the time Blakes “The Chimney Sweeper” was being written, a law was debated in Parliament (it passed but was never enforced) that was supposed to curb the horrible exploitation of “climbing boys” by their masters, who pocketed the fees for their labor but kept them in rags, half-starved, perpetually unwashed, barefoot year-around, with no place to sleep except on top of their soot bags. Still many were kept as laborers working past the ages of fourteen up until even the age of eighteen. “Many old enough to know their situation, would often run away from home . . . ” (Zimmer).
During the time this poem was written, the theory of Marxism had not even been distinguished as a theory. In their writings and work Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels developed the critical theory of Marxism. This theory required the working class to revolutionize their lives in opposing the bourgeoisie who have confined them in their own factories under harsh laboring conditions. Other various sustaining speculations were brought upon emphasizing the disadvantages of a capitalist system. Because they offer the people more services and attempt to balance the population, socialism and communism are seen as an instrument of progress. One must seek “repressed conditions of exploitation and oppression” when analyzing from a Marxist point of view. However, the illustration of conflict within social classes is the basis of Marxism.
The Marxist’s own theories and their historical form are a reflection of the working class political experience which has undergone the revolution with the understanding that they are the result of their working class experiences. Not only does the work become a reflection of the working class experience, but it is the revolutionary consciousness with all its experiences. So that the situation for the working class is not the question of its relations to the bourgeoisie only. It’s the real question of its relations to the proletariat, and one which demands a definite struggle for victory. The situation for the proletariat in social struggles has only increased, since the struggle for liberation from the working class is not just about revolution; it’s also not simply about revolution. The struggle for socialism by the proletariat can make the very problems of a bourgeois system so difficult for the workers. The only thing that prevents a bourgeois society from successfully fighting for a socialist development is capitalism.
Karl Marx is well aware of a great danger that in this struggle against the bourgeoisie, which he was not opposed to, and which is far greater than any threat to the very existence of an independent class of workers and peasants, the bourgeois democratic movement and capitalist democracy will break out.
On the other hand, we can look forward with complete awareness to the day when proletarian revolutions will take place in all parts of Europe, where democratic movement would no longer be possible. The international bourgeoisie is, in fact, the only power working in Europe. The working class is not the only oppressed class, but certainly is part of the world bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie must make war on the world economy and to a greater or lesser extent to defend its interests, to fight for an independent state based on economic unity with all the other countries and with their political forces but against the world industrial complex. The main objectives of the bourgeoisie can be shown to be: the reduction of the capitalist countries to petty bourgeois countries; the development of an independent state without exploitation for the interest of the imperialist powers; the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat; the reformation of the proletarian movement and of the socialist movement; and the maintenance of a bourgeois democratic state based on socialist reforms. When imperialist powers see the threat of defeat for the working class, they must fight the war of imperialism. In the struggle for a bourgeois democracy, the real enemy and the real cause of the ruling classes, is not the capitalists; it is imperialism.
The bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie at its base will do the most to try to destroy the international system of socialist power in the face of the present collapse of the socialist system which the U.S.S.R. has created. We agree that it is better to get the necessary help for the workers at every point so that their struggle for workers’ power can develop into a struggle for an advanced national socialist dictatorship. Such assistance is the best way for the people to fight their way out of the problem and bring about a return of socialist power as a force to power. We must try to bring the current crisis between the U.S.S.R. and the working class to an end and we need a political strategy that, through the various methods of struggle, will put these problems and the problem of the world economy and the question of nationalisation first into the center of public consciousness. The solution to the problem of the working class requires a political strategy that, in the course of the struggle, will enable it to build a socialist state that can be advanced by the workers. This political strategy requires no more than a revolutionary programme of action that takes place after the end of the war which can lead to a more advanced socialist state and free movement. It’s time for proletarian and working class struggle over economic affairs to take place as soon as possible to give it a practical realignment to the struggle of international economic affairs, not only between the U.S.S.R., but also between the U.S. and the international communist movement. No imperialist power will use up its resources for such an ideological manoeuvre. We strongly agree with the U.S.S.R. that the best way to fight for the rights of the working class is only to fight for international economic affairs, not to support the interests of imperialist powers.
The struggle under the leadership of the workers of the developing world will be the only formative development for a socialist state. It can only take place when international political negotiations are given on the necessary measures and the necessary conditions before the congress can take an active part in the international negotiations. In its turn the International Communist Congress will take part, and we hope the International Communist Social Congress and the new Congress to take appropriate steps to bring forward a new, more powerful socialist national socialist government in accordance with the present international conventions and international policy. The working class will defend its right to make any demands over anything it sees as unjustly against the capitalists in the world and against any imperialist power in China and in other countries. By waging the struggle for socialist power against the present imperialist power, the working class will make the social revolution an integral part of the whole of the revolution itself. There is no one and only the workers on a world wide network who can win without the cooperation and the support of all the various national and regional organizations, institutions and governments. The struggle for the socialist power is a struggle for socialist power in the struggle for the social guarantee of the right to nationalise all capital. It is an economic struggle which must be waged with the workers and wage the fight in world socialism. The international communist organization for the socialist revolution should develop, and the socialist revolution, before the congress and all its phases can take place, a strategy for socialism based on the socialist principles that the International Communist Congress and Congress of the International Communist Social Congress will develop. We must build a political strategy that seeks to overthrow the present imperialist power and to bring about a new, more powerful socialist state. This strategy comes from the position we place in the current situation and our position and we must build it on the basis of the above. We will not be able to win the revolutionary battle without the support of the millions of workers and peasants in the world and from all classes of the socialist movement to defeat the imperialist power. To fight the wage war now in the struggle for socialism, the U.S.S.R. must be the main enemy of the people
When in this conflict the bourgeoisie cannot find a place for the working class’s resistance, the situation of all struggles is to find the place for a democratic and socialist democratic society.
In the struggle for socialism, the bourgeoisie of the USSR and those of neighboring countries are fighting for independence from the capitalist countries. In spite of this, there is one country—the Soviet Union, which was abolished in 1989. During the Cold War Russia still held control over more than half the world, but today it is under the control of another country—the USA. The USSR is under the control of a foreign country. The USA’s position in the current Russian political situation shows its strength for democratic self-organization in international politics; if those who are in control can unite the workers against imperialist occupation, they are going to win.
In the US, the working class struggles to fight against the capitalist establishment’s economic, political and military policies and for socialism; if we are victorious, they will unite against imperialism.
The Marxist’s own theories and their historical form are a reflection of the working class political experience which has undergone the revolution with the understanding that they are the result of their working class experiences. Not only does the work become a reflection of the working class experience, but it is the revolutionary consciousness with all its experiences. So that the situation for the working class is not the question of its relations to the bourgeoisie only. It’s the real question of its relations to the proletariat, and one which demands a definite struggle for victory. The situation for the proletariat in social struggles has only increased, since the struggle for liberation from the working class is not just about revolution; it’s also not simply about revolution. The struggle for socialism by the proletariat can make the very problems of a bourgeois system so difficult for the workers. The only thing that prevents a bourgeois society from successfully fighting for a socialist development is capitalism.
Karl Marx is well aware of a great danger that in this struggle against the bourgeoisie, which he was not opposed to, and which is far greater than any threat to the very existence of an independent class of workers and peasants, the bourgeois democratic movement and capitalist democracy will break out.
On the other hand, we can look forward with complete awareness to the day when proletarian revolutions will take place in all parts of Europe, where democratic movement would no longer be possible. The international bourgeoisie is, in fact, the only power working in Europe. The working class is not the only oppressed class, but certainly is part of the world bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie must make war on the world economy and to a greater or lesser extent to defend its interests, to fight for an independent state based on economic unity with all the other countries and with their political forces but against the world industrial complex. The main objectives of the bourgeoisie can be shown to be: the reduction of the capitalist countries to petty bourgeois countries; the development of an independent state without exploitation for the interest of the imperialist powers; the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat; the reformation of the proletarian movement and of the socialist movement; and the maintenance of a bourgeois democratic state based on socialist reforms. When imperialist powers see the threat of defeat for the working class, they must fight the war of imperialism. In the struggle for a bourgeois democracy, the real enemy and the real cause of the ruling classes, is not the capitalists; it is imperialism.
The bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie at its base will do the most to try to destroy the international system of socialist power in the face of the present collapse of the socialist system which the U.S.S.R. has created. We agree that it is better to get the necessary help for the workers at every point so that their struggle for workers’ power can develop into a struggle for an advanced national socialist dictatorship. Such assistance is the best way for the people to fight their way out of the problem and bring about a return of socialist power as a force to power. We must try to bring the current crisis between the U.S.S.R. and the working class to an end and we need a political strategy that, through the various methods of struggle, will put these problems and the problem of the world economy and the question of nationalisation first into the center of public consciousness. The solution to the problem of the working class requires a political strategy that, in the course of the struggle, will enable it to build a socialist state that can be advanced by the workers. This political strategy requires no more than a revolutionary programme of action that takes place after the end of the war which can lead to a more advanced socialist state and free movement. It’s time for proletarian and working class struggle over economic affairs to take place as soon as possible to give it a practical realignment to the struggle of international economic affairs, not only between the U.S.S.R., but also between the U.S. and the international communist movement. No imperialist power will use up its resources for such an ideological manoeuvre. We strongly agree with the U.S.S.R. that the best way to fight for the rights of the working class is only to fight for international economic affairs, not to support the interests of imperialist powers.
The struggle under the leadership of the workers of the developing world will be the only formative development for a socialist state. It can only take place when international political negotiations are given on the necessary measures and the necessary conditions before the congress can take an active part in the international negotiations. In its turn the International Communist Congress will take part, and we hope the International Communist Social Congress and the new Congress to take appropriate steps to bring forward a new, more powerful socialist national socialist government in accordance with the present international conventions and international policy. The working class will defend its right to make any demands over anything it sees as unjustly against the capitalists in the world and against any imperialist power in China and in other countries. By waging the struggle for socialist power against the present imperialist power, the working class will make the social revolution an integral part of the whole of the revolution itself. There is no one and only the workers on a world wide network who can win without the cooperation and the support of all the various national and regional organizations, institutions and governments. The struggle for the socialist power is a struggle for socialist power in the struggle for the social guarantee of the right to nationalise all capital. It is an economic struggle which must be waged with the workers and wage the fight in world socialism. The international communist organization for the socialist revolution should develop, and the socialist revolution, before the congress and all its phases can take place, a strategy for socialism based on the socialist principles that the International Communist Congress and Congress of the International Communist Social Congress will develop. We must build a political strategy that seeks to overthrow the present imperialist power and to bring about a new, more powerful socialist state. This strategy comes from the position we place in the current situation and our position and we must build it on the basis of the above. We will not be able to win the revolutionary battle without the support of the millions of workers and peasants in the world and from all classes of the socialist movement to defeat the imperialist power. To fight the wage war now in the struggle for socialism, the U.S.S.R. must be the main enemy of the people
When in this conflict the bourgeoisie cannot find a place for the working class’s resistance, the situation of all struggles is to find the place for a democratic and socialist democratic society.
In the struggle for socialism, the bourgeoisie of the USSR and those of neighboring countries are fighting for independence from the capitalist countries. In spite of this, there is one country—the Soviet Union, which was abolished in 1989. During the Cold War Russia still held control over more than half the world, but today it is under the control of another country—the USA. The USSR is under the control of a foreign country. The USA’s position in the current Russian political situation shows its strength for democratic self-organization in international politics; if those who are in control can unite the workers against imperialist occupation, they are going to win.
In the US, the working class struggles to fight against the capitalist establishment’s economic, political and military policies and for socialism; if we are victorious, they will unite against imperialism.